E 


THE  GIFT  OF 

MAY  TREAT  MORRISON 

IN  MEMORY  OF 

ALEXANDER  F  MORRISON 


PROCEEDINGS 


junbrtfr  aixtr  Jfifiietjj 


OF  THE 


PERMANENT 


AN  HISTOKICAL  ADDEESS 


CHAKLES  FKAKCIS  ADAMS,  JR. 


JULY  4TN,  1874. 


BOSTON : 

WRIGHT    &    POTTER,    STATE    PRINTERS, 
79  MILK  STREET  (CORNER  OF  FEDERAL). 

1874. 


r     \ 
H  4  8  W  5 


ADDRESS. 


FULL  in  sight  of  the  spot  where  we  are  now  gathered, — 
almost  at  the  foot  of  King-Oak  Hill, — stands  that  portion  of 
the  ancient  town  of  Weymouth,  known  from  time  immemo- 
rial as  the  village  of  Old  Spain.     When  or  why  it  was  first 
so    called   is   wholly  unknown, — scarcely   a  tradition    even 
remains  to  suggest  to  us  an  origin  of  the  name.     None  the 
less  Old  Spain  well  deserved  a  portion  at  least  of  that  familiar 
t*  title,  for,  next  to  the  town  of  Plymouth,  it  is  the  oldest  set- 
is,  tlement  in  Massachusetts.     And  when  we  speak  of  the  oldest 
g  settlements  in  Massachusetts,  we  speak  of  communities  which 
may  fairly  lay  claim  to  a  very  respectable  degree  of  antiquity  : 
not  of  the  greatest,  it  is  true,  for  all  antiquity  is  relative, 
5  and  that  of  America  scarcely  deserves  the  name  by  the  side 
jj  of  what  England  has  to  show ;  but  what  is  the  antiquity  of 
£5  England  compared  with  that  of  Rome? — and  Rome,  again, 
s   seems  young  and  crude  when  we  speak  of  Greece  ;  while  even 
^   those  who  fought  upon  the  ringing  plains  of  windy  Troy  are 
',   but  as  prattling  children  in  presence  of  the  hoary  age  of  the 
*    Pharaohs.     The  settlement  of  Old  Spain  and  of  Weymouth  is, 
u.    therefore,  ancient  only  as  things  American  are  ancient;  but 
^    still  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  time  carry  us  back  to  events 
g    and  men  which  seem  sufficiently  remote.     When  the  first  Euro- 
pean made  his  home  in  Old  Spain, — when  the  earliest  rude 
hut  was  framed  on  yonder  north  shore  of  Phillips  Creek, — 
the  modern  world  in  which  we  live  was  just  assuming  shape. 
Few  now  realize  how  little  of  that  which  makes  up  the  vast 
accumulated  store  of  human  possessions  which  we  have  inher- 
ited from  our  fathers — which  to  us  is  as  the  air  we  breathe, — 
had  then  existence .    The  Reformation  was  then  young, — Luther 
and  Calvin  and  Erasmus  were  men  of  yesterday  ;  the  life-and- 

433019 


death  struggle  with  Catholicism  still  tortured  eastern  Europe. 
The  thirty  years  war  in  Germany  was  just  commenced,  and 
the  youthful  Gustavus  Adolphus  had  yet  to  win  his  spurs. 
The  blood  of  St.  Bartholomew  was  but  half  a  century  old, 
and  the  murder  of  Henry  IV.  was  as  near  to  the  men  of  1622 
as  is  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  us.  The  great  Cardinal- 
Duke  was  then  organizing  modern  France ;  Charles  I.  had 
not  yet  ascended  the  English  throne  ;  Hampden  was  a  young 
country  gentleman,  and  Oliver  Cromwell  an  unpretending 
English  squire.  While  men  still  believed  that  the  sun  moved 
round  the  earth,  Galileo  and  Kepler  were  gradually  ascertain- 
ing those  laws  which  guide  the  planets  in  their  paths  ;  Bacon 
was  meditating  his  philosophy;  Don  Quixbte  was  a  newly 
published  work,  with  a  local  reputation ;  and  Milton,  not  yet 
a  Cambridge  pensioner,  was  making  his  first  essays  at  verse. 
Shakespeare  had  died  but  six  years  before,  and,  indeed,  the 
first  edition  of  his  plays  did  not  appear  until  the  very  year  in 
which  Weymouth  was  settled.  Thus,  in  1622,  our  world  of 
literature,  of  science,  almost  of  history,  was  yet  to  be  created. 
Hardly  a  single  volume  of  our  current  English  literature  was 
then  in  existence,  and  people  might  well  con  their  Bibles, 
for,  in  the  English  tongue,  there  was  little  else  to  read. 

Meanwhile  the  North  American  continent  was  an  unbroken 
wilderness,  with  here  and  there,  few  and  far  between,  from 
the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Gulf,  scattered  specks  of  struggling 
civilization,  hundreds  of  leagues  apart,  dotting  the  skirts 
of  the  green,  primeval  forest.  It  was  at  not  the  least 
famous  of  these  scattered  specks, — at  the  neighboring  town 
of  Plymouth, — that  the  history  of  Weymouth  opened  on  a 
day  towards  the  latter  part  of  the  month  of  May,  in  the  year 
1622.  The  little  colony  had  then  been  established  in  its  new 
home  some  seventeen  months.  They  had  just  struggled 
through  their  second  winter,  and  now,  sadly  reduced  in  num- 
ber, with  supplies  wholly  exhausted,  and  sorely  distressed  in 
spirit,  the  Pilgrims  were  anxiously  looking  for  the  arrival  of 
some  ship  from  England.  The  Mayflower  had  left  them, 
starting  on  her  homeward  voyage  a  year  before,  and  once 
only  during  their  weary  sojourn,  in  the  month  of  the  previ- 
ous November,  had  these  homesick  wanderers  on  the  sandy 
Plymouth  shores  been  cheered  by  any  tidings  from  the  living 


5 

world.  On  this  particular  day,  however,  the  whole  settlement 
was  alive  with  excitement.  There  had  been  great  trouble  with 
the  neighboring  Indians,  and  the  magistrates  were  on  the  point 
of  delivering  one  of  them  up  to  the  emissaries  of  his  sachem  to 
be  put  to  death,  when  suddenly  a  boat  was  seen  to  cross  the 
mouth  of  the  bay  and  disappear  behind  the  next  headland.1 
There  had  been  rumors  of  trouble  between  the  English 
and  the  French,  and  the  first  idea  of  the  settlers  was  that 
some  connection  existed  between  the  sachem's  emissaries  and 
those  on  board  the  boat.  The  delivery  of  the  prisoner  was 
consequently  deferred.  At  the  same  time,  a  shot  was  fired 
as  a  signal,  in  response  to  which  the  boat  changed  her  course, 
and  came  into  the  bay.  When  at  last  it  touched  the  shore  it 
was  found  to  contain  ten  persons,  who  announced  themselves 
as  being  in  the  service  of  one  Mr.  Thomas  Weston,  a  London 
merchant,  well  known  to  the  elders  of  Plymouth.  They 
were  cordially  welcomed  with  a  salute  of  three  volleys  of 
musketry,  and  thus  finished  a  somewhat  dangerous  voyage.2 
It  appeared  that  they  had  been  dispatched  from  England  some 
months  before,  on  board  a  vessel  named  the  Sparrow,  which 
belonged  to  Mr.  Weston,  and  was  bound  to  the  fishing 
grounds  off  the  coast  of  Maine  :  they  were,  in  fact,  the  fore- 
runners of  a  larger  party  which  Weston  was  organizing  in 
London,  with  the  design  of  establishing  a  trading  settlement 
somewhere  on  the  shores  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  They 
brought  with  them  letters  to  the  Plymouth  magistrates,  but 
they  were  wholly  unprovided  with  either  food  or  outfit.  The 
Sparrow  was  one  of  the  fishing  fleet  which  yearly  visited 
those  waters,  and  apparently  Weston's  plan  had  been  for 
these  people  to  leave  her  near  the  Dameriscove  Islands,  and 
thence  to  find  their  way  by  sea  to  Plymouth,  examining  the 
coast  as  they  went  along  with  a  view  to  settlement.  There 
was  something  curiously  reckless  in  the  methods  of  those  old 
explorers.  Weston  himself  afterwards  sought  to  reach  Plym- 
outh in  the  same  way,  and  encountered  many  strange  adven- 
tures by  sea  and  land  before  he  got  there.  In  the  present 
case  his  messengers  do  not  appear  either  to  have  been  sea- 
faring men,  or  especially  selected  for  the  work  they  had  to 

1  Winslow's  Good  Newes.    Young's  Chron.  of  Pilg.,  p.  291. 
» Plnnehas  Pratt's  Narrative,  IV.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  v.  4,  p.  478. 


do.  It  was  not  until  they  were  actually  leaving  the  Sparrow 
for  their  voyage  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  the  North 
Atlantic  that  they  seemed  to  realize  their  own  utter  helpless- 
ness, and  the  extreme  vagueness  of  their  errand.  Fortunately 
for  them,  however,  the  mate  of  that  vessel  was  a  daring  fellow, 
and  volunteered  to  venture  his  life  as  their  pilot.  They  accord- 
ingly set  sail  in  their  shallop,  skirting  along  the  coast.  They 
touched  at  the  Isle  of  Shoals  and  at  Cape  Ann,  and  thence 
they  ran  for  Boston  harbor,  where  they  passed  some  four  or 
five  days  exploring.  They  selected  the  southerly  side  of  the 
bay  as  the  best  place  for  the  proposed  settlement,  as  in  these 
parts  there  seemed  to  be  the  fewest  natives,  and  made  a  bar- 
gain with  the  sachem  Aberdecest  for  what  land  they  needed ; J 
but,  getting  uneasy  at  the  smallness  of  their  number,  they 
determined  to  go  to  Plymouth,  in  hopes  of  getting  news  of 
the  larger  enterprise.  Disappointed  in  this,  they  landed  to 
await  events.  The  shallop,  accompanied  by  a  Plymouth 
boat  in  search  of  supplies,  returned  to  the  fishing  fleet,  and  its 
seven  passengers  were,  for  the  time  being,  incorporated  with 
the  colony,  and  fared  no  worse  than  others. 

Meanwhile  Mr.  Weston  had  organized  his  larger  expedition, 
and  it  was  already  on  the  sea,  having  sailed  from  London 
about  the  1st  of  April.  Thus  Thomas  Weston  played  a  very 
prominent  part  in  the  early  settlement  of  Weymouth,  as  he 
had  already  done  in  that  of  Plymouth.  He  was  always  called 
a  merchant,  but  in  fact  he  was  a  pure  sixteenth  century  adven- 
turer of  the  Smith  and  Raleigh  stamp, — a  man  whose  brain 
teemed  with  schemes  for  the  deriving  of  sudden  gain  from 
the  settlement  of  the  new  continent.  We  first  get  sight  of 
him  in  Ley  den  in  connection  with  the  Pilgrim  .fathers, — the 
treasurer,  the  representative,  the  active,  moving  spirit  of  the 
company  of  Merchant  Adventurers  of  London,  who  then  were 
looking  for  the  material  with  which  to  effect  a  settlement 
within  the  Virginia  patent.  Mr.  Treasurer  Weston  had  some 
acquaintance  with  the  Leyden  exiles,  and,  knowing  how  dis- 
satisfied they  were  with  their  experience  in  Holland,  he  had 
pitched  on  them  as  the  best  material  for  the  work  in  hand. 
They  were  then  negotiating  with  the  Dutch  government  for 

1  Pratt's  Narrative,  IV.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  4,  pp.  478,  487. 


a  grant  of  lands  in  what  is  now  New  York.  Weston  per- 
suaded them  to  abandon  this  scheme,  promising  them,  on  the 
part  of  his  associates,  aid,  both  in  money  and  in  shipping. 
When  the  Speedwell  arrived  at  Southampton  from  Delft- 
haven,  bearing  the  fortunes  of  the  little  colony  between  its 
decks,  it  was  Weston  who  came  down  from  London  to 
arrange  the  last  details  of  the  adventure.  But  the  meeting 
was  not  a  propitious  one.  The  parties  fell  out  as  to  certain 
alterations  proposed  to  the  original  agreement  between  them, 
and  Weston  returned  to  London,  telling  the  emigrants  as  a 
parting  word  that  they  must  expect  no  further  aid  from  him. 
Out  of  this  disagreement  grew  the  scheme  of  another  and  in- 
dependent settlement.  Weston  apparently  concluded  that  he 
had  made  a  mistake  in  his  choice  of  agents.  A  mere  adven- 
turer, he  looked  only  to  pecuniary  results.  The  return  of  the 
Mayflower  in  the  spring  of  1621  without  a  cargo  was  a  great 
disappointment  to  him,  and  he  did  not  delay  writing  to  the 
struggling  settlers  that  a  good  return  cargo  by  the  next  ship 
was  absolutely  essential  to  the  life  of  the  enterprise.  They  did 
make  an  effort,  therefore,  to  load  the  Fortune  with  such  articles 
as  the  country  afforded,  but  before  the  venture  reached  England 
Weston  had  abandoned  the  Plymouth  colony  in  disgust,  sold 
out  his  interest  in  the  Merchant  Adventurers  company  and 
was  already  meditating  his  new  and  rival  enterprise.  He 
cared  more  for  beaver-skins  in  hand  than  for  empires  here- 
after, and  the  Plymouth  people  appeared  to  him  to  discourse 
and  argue  and  consult  when  they  should  have  been  trading.1 
His  confidence  in  the  success  of  a  trading  post  on  Massachu- 
setts Bay  was  not  shaken,  but  he  shared  in  the  general  belief 
of  the  day  that  families  were  an  incumbrance  in  a  well  organ- 
ized plantation,  and  that  a  settlement  made  up  of  able-bodied 
men  only  could  do  more  in  New  England  in  seven  years  than 
in  Old  England  in  twenty.2  On  this  principle  he  organized 
his  expedition,  which,  towards  the  close  of  April,  1622,  set 
sail  in  two  vessels,  the  Charity  of  one  hundred  tons  and  the 
Swan  of  thirty.  It  went  under  the  charge  of  Weston's 
brother-in-law,  one  Richard  Greene,  and  was  made  up  of  the 
roughest  material,  miscellaneously  picked  up  in  the  streets  and 

1  Bradford;  IV.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  3,  p.  107. 

2  Levett's  Voyage;  III.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  8,  p.  190. 


8 

on  the  docks  of  London ;  among  them,  however,  there  was 
one  surgeon,  a  Mr.  Salisbury,  and  a  lawyer  from  Furnival's 
Inn,  afterwards  very  notorious  in  early  colonial  annals,  one 
Thomas  Morton,  better  known  as  Morton  of  Merry  Mount.1 
Such  as  they  were,  however,  they  safely  landed  at  Plymouth 
towards  the  end  of  June, — some  sixty  stout  fellows,  without 
apparently  the  remotest  idea  why  they  had  come  or  what  they 
had  come  to  do.  Naturally  the  old  settlers  did  not  look  upon 


1  "  So  base  in  condition  (for  ye  most  parte)  as  in  all  apearance  not  fitt  for  an 
honest  mans  company."  Letter  of  John  Peirce  in  Bradford  (p.  123).  Thomas 
Morton  describes  them  as  "  men  made  choice  of  at  all  adventures."  The  New  Eng- 
lish Canaan  (p.  72),  Force's  Hist.  Tracts  (v.  2).  In  the  preface  to  his  Good  Newes, 
Winslow  speaks  of  them  as  "  a  disorderly  colony,  .  .  .  who  were  a  stain  to  Old 
England  that  bred  them  in  respect  of  their  lives  and  manners  amongst  the  Indians." 
Young,  C.  of  P.,  (p.  276.)  Weston  himself  speaks  of  them  as  "rude  fellows,"  and 
proposes  to  reclaim  them  "  from  that  profanenes  that  may  scandalise  ye  vioage,"  etc. 
Bradford,  (p.  120.)  Robert  Cushman  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Bradford,  gives  the 
following  hint :  "  if  they  borrow  anything  of  you  let  them  leave  a  good  pawne." 
76.,  (p.  122.) 

I  have  stated  that  Thomas  Morton  came  over  as  one  of  Weston's  company.  This 
has  been  denied,  Young's  C.  of  P.  (p.  334,  n.),  but  Morton  himself  twice  states  in 
the  New  English  Canaan,  that  he  came  to  New  England  in  1622,  and  in  one  of  the 
two  cases  fixes  the  time  as  in  June  of  that  year.  The  New  English  Canaan,  (pp.  15, 
41.)  Force's  Hist.  Tracts,  (v.  2.)  Winslow  states  that  the  Charity  and  Swan  arrived 
"in  the  end  of  June  or  beginning  of  July,"  1622.  Young's  C.  of  P.,  (p.  296.)  Now 
no  other  ships  from  England  came  to  Plymouth  that  year,  and  no  company  such  as 
Morton  describes  his  to  have  been,  except  Weston's,  arrived  in  Massachusetts  between 
1622  and  Wollaston's  arrival  in  1625.  Morton,  however,  not  only  positively  says  that 
he  arrived  at  the  very  time  the  Weston  company  arrived,  but  he  shows  throughout  his 
book  a  remarkable  familiarity  not  only  with  the  events  which  occurred  in  the  Weston 
settlement,  but  with  the  people  composing  it.  A  connection  with  that  settlement  was 
not  a  thing  which  Morton  would  have  been  likely  to  boast  of  in  subsequent  years ; 
but,  judging  by  internal  evidence,  I  should  feel  inclined  not  only  to  venture  a  surmise 
that  Morton  was  one  of  Weston's  colony,  but  also  that  it  was  Morton  himself  who 
proposed  to  the  Wessagusset  "  Parliament "  the  vicarious  execution  presently  to  be 
described.  The  whole  tone  of  his  account  of  that  affair  is  highly  suggestive  of  a  close 
connection  with  it,  and  of  great  sympathy  with  the  real  culprit  and  his  ingenious 
counsel. 

My  explanation  of  Morton's  statement  as  to  his  arrival  is,  that  in  it,  with  his  usual 
recklessness  as  to  facts,  he  confounded  two  events  which  occurred  at  different  dates. 
He  says,  The  Xeto  English  Canaan  (p.  41),  "In  the  Moneth  of  lune,  Anno  Salutis  : 
1622.  It  was  my  chaunce  to  arrive  in  the  parts  of  New  England  with  30.  Servants, 
and  provision  of  all  sorts  fit  for  a  plantation."  Here  are  two  facts  distinctly  stated; — 
one  as  to  the  date  of  his  arrival,  exactly  coinciding  with  that  of  the  Weston  com- 
pany ; — the  other,  as  to  the  number  of  "  servants,"  etc.,  answering  to  the  description 
of  Wollaston's  company.  Morton,  I  think,  therefore,  came  out  with  Weston's  com- 
pany, and  left  Wessagusset  in  March,  1623,  with  them;  he  then, more  than  two  years 
later,  returned  there  with  Wollaston,  probably  acting  as  his  guide.  When,  seven  years 
later,  he  printed  his  book,  desiring  to  make  his  American  experience  date  as  far  back 
as  possible,  he  simply  confused  his  two  arrivals,  and  quietly  ignored  his  connection 
with  the  Weston  company,  which  had  left  a  very  unsavory  reputation  behind  it  as 
being  made  up  of  the  refuse  of  mankind. 


9 

them  as  a  very  desirable  accession  to  the  colony,  especially 
as  they  early  evinced  a  disinclination  to  all  honest  labor  and 
an  extremely  well  developed  appetite  for  green  corn.1  Having 
landed  them,  the  larger  ship  sailed  for  Virginia,  and  during 
her  absence  preparations  were  completed  for  removing  the 
party  to  the  site  selected  for  its  operations  at  Wessagusset, 
as  Weymouth  was  then  called.  In  the  course  of  a  few  weeks 
the  ship  returned,  the  healthy  members  of  the  expedition  were 
taken  on  board  and  sailed  for  Boston  Bay.  The  Plymouth 
people  saw  them  disappear  with  much  satisfaction,  and  ex- 
pressed no  desire  to  have  them  return. 

It  was  August  before  the  party  reached  its  permanent 
quarters.  There  is  no  record  of  the  exact  spot  on  which 
they  placed  their  settlement,  but  a  very  general  tradition 
assigns  it  to  the  north  side  of  Phillips  Creek.2  Not  improb- 
ably there  was  a  better  draught  of  water  in  that  inlet  then 
than  now ;  but  it  is  well  established  that  the  locality  was  to 
the  south  of  the  Fore  Eiver,  and  the  very  sheltered  character 
of  the  creek  would  naturally  have  suggested  it  to  the 
explorers  for  the  object  they  had  in  view.  But  wherever  the 
exact  locality  may  have  been,  the  adventurers  found  them- 
selves towards  the  end  of  September  sufficiently  established 
in  it  to  let  the  larger  ship,  the  Charity,  return  to  England. 
The  smaller  one,  the  Swan,  had  been  designed  for  the  use  of 
the  plantation, — it  was  indeed  the  chief  item  of  their  stock 
in  trade, — and  it  now  remained  moored  in  Weymouth  River. 
The  Charity  had  left  the  party  fairly  supplied  for  the  winter,3 
but  they  were  a  wasteful,  improvident  set,  and  they  were 
hardly  left  to  their  own  devices  before  they  were  made  to 
realize  that  they  had  already  squandered  most  of  their 
resources,  though  the  winter  was  not  yet  begun.  They 
accordingly  bethought  themselves  of  the  people  of  Plymouth, 
and  wrote  to  Governor  Bradford  proposing  a  trading  voyage 
on  joint  account  in  search  of  corn, — they  oifering  to  supply  the 
vessel  while  the  Plymouth  people  were  to  furnish  the  quick 

1  Winslow ;  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  297. 

3  "  A  correspondent  in  Quincy  thus  describes  the  place :  '  It  is  about  three  miles 
south-east  of  the  granite  church  in  Quincy,  at  a  place  locally  called  Old  Spain.' 
Weston's  colony  sailed  up  Fore  River,  which  separates  Quincy  from  Weymouth,  and 
then  entered  Phillips  Creek,  and  commenced  operations  on  its  north  bank."  Russell's 
Guide  to  Plymouth,  (p.  106,  n.) 

3  Winslow;  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  299.    Bradford,  p.  130. 
2 


10 

capital  needed,  in  the  shape  of  articles  of  barter.  The  offer 
was  accepted  and  in  October  the  expedition  set  out,  with 
Standish  in  command  and  the  Indian  Squanto  acting  as  guide. 
The  intention  was  to  weather  the  cape  and  trade  along  the 
south  coast,  but  they  were  driven  back  by  adverse  winds, 
and  then  Standish  fell  sick  of  a  fever  and  had  to  give  up  the 
command.  Governor  Bradford  took  his  place  and  again  the 
Swan  started  out;  but  it  was  November  now,  and  the  back 
side  of  Cape  Cod  shewed  a  rougher  sea  than  they  cared  to 
face,  so  they  prudently  put  about  and  ran  into  Sandwich  Bay. 
Here  Squauto,  the  Indian  guide,  fell  sick  and  died,  bequeath- 
ing his  few  effects  to  his  English  friends  and  praying  that  he 
might  find  rest  with  the  Englishman's  God.1  Here  and  else- 
where, however,  the  partners  secured  some  twenty-six  or 
twenty-eight  hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans,  and  with  that 
were  fain  to  return.  An  equal  division  was  made,  and  the 
Swan  again  came  to  her  moorings  in  Weymouth  Fore  River. 
The  relief  she  brought  with  her  was,  however,  only  tem- 
porary ;  disorder  and  waste  in  that  settlement  were  chronic. 
Greene  had  died  in  Plymouth  while  they  were  preparing  for 
the  trading  voyage,  and  a  man  named  Sanders  had  succeeded 
him  in  control.  Either  he  was  incompetent  or  his  people 
were  very  hard  to  manage  ;  but,  in  either  case,  the  squander- 
ing of  the  supplies  continued,  and  the  prudent  Plymouth 
settlers  especially  complained  that,  through  improvident 
dealings  with  the  Indians,  their  neighbors  ruined  the  market, 
giving  for  a  quart  of  corn  what  before  would  have  bought  a 
beaver-skin.2  At  length,  however,  about  the  beginning  of 
the  New  Year,  the  Wessagusset  plantation  found  itself  face 
to  face  with  dire  want.  The  hungry  settlers  bartered  with 
the  Indians,  giving  everything  they  had  for  food ;  they  even 
stripped  the  clothes  from  their  backs  and  the  blankets  from 
their  beds.  They  made  canoes  for  the  savages,  and,  for  a 
mere  pittance  of  corn,  became  their  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water.3  During  that  long  and  dreary  winter  they 
must  heartily  have  wished  themselves  back  in  the  slums  of 
London.  Weymouth  Fore  River,  in  that  season,  must  then 
have  been  very  much  what  we  so  well  know  it  to  be  now. 

i  Bradford,  p.  128.  "•  Winslow ;  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  302. 

'•>  Bradford,  p.  130. 


11 

Doubtless  the  cold  1^de  ebbed  and  flowed  before  the  rude 
block-house,  now  lifting  on  its  bosom  huge  heaps  of  frozen 
snow  and  ice,  and  then  again  bearing  them  in  great  unsightly 
blocks  swiftly  out  to  sea.     The  frost  was  in  the  ground ;  the 
snow  was  on  it.     So,  through  the  long,  hard,  savage  winter, 
those  seventy  poor  hungry  wretches  shivered  around  their 
desolate  habitations,  or  straggled  about  among  the  neighbor- 
ing wigwams  in  search   of   food.      Their   ammunition   was 
nearly   exhausted    so    that   they   could   not   kill   the   game. 
They   ransacked   the   woods   in  search    of    nuts ;    and   they 
followed   out   the   tide,  digging  in  the  flats   for   clams   and 
muscles.    But,  insufficiently  supplied  with  clothes,  they  could 
not  endure  the  winter's  cold  in  this  slow  search  for  food,  and 
one  poor  fellow  while  grubbing  for  shell-fish  sank  into  the 
mud,  and,  being  too  reduced  to  drag  himself  out,  was  there 
found  dead, — an  end  to  his  adventures.     In  all  ten  perished.1 
In  their  necessities  they  had   made  the   fatal   mistake  of 
degrading  themselves  before  the  savages.     In  their  utmost 
needs  the  Plymouth  people   had   always   borne   themselves 
defiantly  to  the  Indian ;  making  him  feel  himself  in  presence 
of  a  superior.     It  was  not  so  at  Wessagusset.  *  The  settlers 
there  alternately  cringed  before  the  Indian  and  abused  him ; 
and  he,  seeing  them  so  poor  and   weak   and  helpless,  first 
grew    to    despise    and    then   to    oppress   them.     Naturally, 
starving  men  of  their  description  had  recourse  to  theft,  and 
there  was  no  one  to  steal  from  but  the  Indians  ;  so  the  Indians 
found  their  hidden  stores  of  corn  disturbed  and  knew  just 
where  to  look  for  the  thieves.     This  led  to  a  bitter  feeling 
among  the  savages,  and  some  who  were  detected  were  pun- 
ished in  their  sight.     But  with  men  like  these,  punishment 
was  a  less  terror  than  starvation,  and  the  depredations  and 
complaints  continued.     The  .Indians  would  no  longer  either 
lend  or  sell  them  food ;  and,  indeed,  it  did  not  appear  that 
they  had  any  to  spare.2     Finally,  in  their  utter  desperation, 
the  settlers  thought  of  having  recourse  to  violence,  and  made 
ready  their  stockade  to  resist  the  attack,  sure  to  ensue,  by 
closing  every  entrance  into  it  save  one.     They  were  hardly 

1  Pratt's  Petition,  IV.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  v.  3,  pp.  486, 7.   Bradford,  p.  130.    Winslow ; 
Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  332. 

2  Winslow ;  Young's  C  of  P.,  p.  328. 


12 

prepared,  however,  to  go  to  such  extremes  as  this,  relying 
solely  on  their  own  strength.  Accordingly,  towards  the 
end  of  February,  Sanders  sent  a  letter  by  an  Indian 
messenger  to  Governor  Bradford,  informing  him  of  their 
necessities,  and  advising  him  that  Sanders  himself  was  pre- 
paring to  go  to  the  fishing  stations  at  the  eastward  to  buy 
provisions  from  the  ships ;  but  meanwhile  he  did  not  see  how 
the  settlement  was  to  live  until  his  return,  and  he  therefore 
wrote  to  see  if  the  Plymouth  people  would  sustain  him  in 
taking  what  was  necessary  from  the  Indians  by  force.  The 
answer  was  not  encouraging.  The  Plymouth  magistrates 
had  no  intention  of  embroiling  that  settlement  with  its  savage 
neighbors,  and  therefore  very  plainly  informed  Sanders  that 
he  and  his  need  expect  no  countenance  from  them  in  any 
such  proceeding  as  that  proposed ;  and  they  further  intimated 
an  opinion  that  they  would  all  be  killed  if  they  attempted  it. 
Finally,  they  advised  them  to  worry  through  the  winter,  living 
on  nuts  and  shell-fish  as  they  themselves  were  doing, 
especially  as  they  enjoyed  the  additional  advantage  of  an 
oyster-bed,  which  they  of  Plymouth  had  not.1  On  receiving 
this  letter,  it  only  remained  to  give  up  all  idea  of  a  recourse 
to  violence,  and  Sanders  then  took  the  Swan  and  himself 
went  to  Plymouth  on  a  begging  excursion.  The  people 
there,  however,  felt  unable  to  supply  his  vessel  even  for  a 
voyage  to  the  fishing  stations  ;  so  he  returned  to  Wessagusset, 
there  left  the  Swan,  and  started  on  a  shallop  for  the  coast  of 
Maine. 

Meanwhile  the  depredations  still  went  on,  and  the  Indians 
grew  more  and  more  aggressive.  They  took  by  force  from 
the  settlers  what  they  pleased,  and  if  they  remonstrated,  they 
threatened  them  with  their  knives.  Apparently  they  treated 
the  poor  wretches  like  dogs  ;  regarding  them  much  as  they 
had  four  unfortunate  Frenchmen  whom  they  had  taken  prison- 
ers some  years  before,  after  destroying  their  vessel,  killing 
them  at  last  through  ill  usage.2  Finally,  one  unfortunate  but 
peculiarly  skillful  thief  was  detected  and  bitter  complaint 
made  against  him.  The  terror-stricken  settlers  offered  to 

i  Winslow;  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  329. 

3  Pratt'*  Narrative,  IV.,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  v.  4,  pp.  479,  489.    New  English  Canaan, 
p.  18.    Force's  Tracts,  v.  2. 


13 

give  him  up  to  the  savages,  to  be  dealt  with  as  they  saw  fit. 
The  savages,  however,  declined  to  receive  him,  upon  which 
his  companions  hung  him  themselves  in  their  sight.  This 
execution  has  since  been  very  famous.  That  the  settlers  of 
Wessagusset  hung  the  real  culprit  does  not  admit  of  ques- 
tion, for  it  is  so  stated  both  by  those  who  were  present  and 
by  the  Plymouth  authorities  of  the  time,  who  were  perfectly 
familiar  with  all  the  facts.1  But  the  humorous  Mr.  Thomas 
Morton  of  Merry  Mount,  in  the  New  English  Canaan,  pub- 
lished in  London  in  1632,  reclad  the  Wessagusset  hanging 
of  ten  years  previous  in  this  new  and  fantastic  garb  : 

"  One  amongst  the  rest  an  able  bodied  man,  that  ranged 
the  woodes,  to  see  what  it  would  afford,  lighted  by  accident 
on  an  Indian  barne,  and  from  thence  did  take  a  capp  full  of 
corne ;  the  Salvage  owner  of  it,  finding  by  the  foote  some 
English  had  bin  there  came  to  the  Plantation,  and  mad  com- 
plaint after  this  manner. 

"  The  cheife  Commander  of  the  Company  one  this  occation 
called  a  Parliament  of  all  his  people  but  those  that  were  sicke, 
and  ill  at  ease.  And  wisely  now  they  must  consult,  upon  this 
huge  complaint,  that  a  privy  knife,  or  stringe  of  beades  would 
well  enough  have  qualified,  and  Edward  lohnson  was  a 
spetiall  judge  of  this  businesse ;  the  fact  was  there  in  repe- 
tition, construction  made,  that  it  was  fellony,  and  by  the 
Lawes  of  England  punished  with  death,  and  this  in  execution 
must  be  put,  for  an  example,  and  likewise  to  appease  the  Salv- 
age, when  straight  wayes  one  arose,  mooved  as  it  were  with 
some  compassion,  and  said  hee  could  not  well  gaine  say  the 
former  sentence,  yet  hee  had  conceaved  within  the  compasse 
of  his  braiiie  a  Embrion,  that  was  of  spetiall  consequence  to 
be  delivered,  and  cherished  hee  said,  that  it  would  most  aptly 
serve  to  pacific  the  Salvages  complaint,  and  save  the  life  of 
one  that  might  (if  ueede  should  be)  stand  them  in  some  good 
steede,  being  younge  and  stronge,  fit  for  resistance  against 

1  Winslow,  in  his  Relation,  states  that  Pratt  told  them  of  this  execution  on  his 
arrival  at  Plymouth.  Young's  C.  of  P.  (p.  332) ;  see,  also,  Bradford  (p.  130).  But 
Pratt,  in  his  own  Narrative,  distinctly  says  that "  we  kep  him  (the  malefactor)  bound 
som  few  days,"  but  does  not  mention  the  execution.  IV.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  (v.  4, 
p.  482.)  In  his  Relation  by  Mather,  however,  he  states  that  the  real  delinquent  was 
put  to  death.  Ib.  (p.  491.) 


14 

an  enemy,  which  might  come  unexpected  for  any  thinge  they 
knew,  The  Oration  made  was  liked  of  every  one,  and  hee 
intreated  to  proceede  to  shew  the  meanes  how  this  may  be 
performed  :  sayes  hee,  you  all  agree  that  one  must  die,  and 
one  shall  die,  this  younge  mans  cloathes  we  will  take  of, 
and  put  upon  one,  that  is  old  and  impotent,  a  sickly  person 
that  cannot  escape  death,  such  is  the  disease  one  him  c.on- 
firmed,  that  die  hee  must,  put  the  younge  mans  cloathes  on 
this  man,  and  let  the  sick  person  be  hanged  in  the  others 
steede.  Amen  sayes  one,  and  so  sayes  many  more. 

"And  this  had  like  to  have  prooved  their  finall  sentence, 
and  being  there  confirmed  by  Act  of  Parliament,  to  after  ages 
for  a  President :  But  that  one  with  a  ravenus  voyce,  be- 
gunne  to  croake  and  bellow  for  revenge,  and  put  by  that  con- 
clusive motion,  alledging  such  deceipts  might  be  a  meanes 
here  after  to  exasperate  the  mindes  of  the  complaininge  Salv- 
ages and  that  by  his  death,  the  Salvages  should  see  their  zeale 
to  Justice,  and  therefore  hee  should  die  :  this  was  concluded ; 
yet  neverthelesse  a  scruple  was  made  ;  now  to  countermaund 
this  act,  did  represent  itselfe  unto  their  mindes,  which  was 
how  they  should  doe  to  get  the  mans  good  wil :  this  was 
iudeede  a  spetiall  obstacle  :  for  without  (that  they  all  agreed) 
it  would  be  dangerous,  for  any  man  to  attempt  the  execution 
of  it,  lest  mischiefe  should  befall  them  every  man ;  hee  was 
a  person,  that  in  his  wrath,  did  seeme  to  be  a  second  Sampson, 
able  to  beate  out  their  branes  with  the  jawbone  of  an  Asse : 
therefore  they  called  the  man  and  by  perswatiou  got  him  fast 
bound  in  jest,  and  then  hanged  him  up  hard  by  in  good  earn- 
est, who  with  a  weapon,  and  at  liberty,  would  have  put  all 
those  wise  judges  of  this  Parliament  to  a  pitifull  non  plus  (as 
it  hath  been  credibly  reported) ,  and  made  the  cheife  ludge  of 
them  all  buckell  to  him." 1 

The  work  from  which  this  extract  is  taken  was  published 
in  1632  ;  in  1(563,  thirty-one  years  later,  appeared  the  second 
part  of  the  famous  English  satire,  Hudibras.  Butler,  its 
author,  had  come  across  the  New  English  Canaan,  and  the 
very  original  idea  of  vicarious  atonement  suggested  in  it 
entertained  him  hugely.  He  appropriated  and  improved  it, 

1  The  New  English  Canaan,  p.  74. 


15 

» 

adapting  the  facts  to  his  own  fancy,  until  at  last  the  story 
appeared  in  its  new  guise,  in  what  was  the  most  popular  Eng- 
lish book  of  the  day  : 

"  Our  Brethren  of  New-England  use 
Choice  malefactors  to  excuse, 
And  hang  the  Guiltless  in  their  stead, 
Of  whom  the  Churches  have  less  need ; 
As  lately  't  happen'd :    In  a  town 
There  liv'd  a  Cobler,  and  but  one, 
That  out  of  Doctrine  could  cut  Use, 
And  mend  men's  lives  as  well  as  shoes. 
This  precious  Brother  having  slain, 
In  times  of  peace,  an  Indian, 
Not  out  of  malice,  but  mere  zeal, 
(Because  he  was  an  Infidel), 
The  mighty  Tottipottymoy 
Sent  to  our  Elders  an  envoy, 
Complaining  sorely  of  the  breach 
Of  league  held  forth  by  Brother  Patch, 
Against  the  articles  in  force 
Between  both  churches,  his  and  ours, 
For  which  he  craved  the  Saints  to  render 
Into  his  hands,  or  hang  th;  offender ; 
But  they  maturely  having  weigh'd 
They  had  no  more  but  him  o'  th'  trade, 
(A  man  that  served  them  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  teach  and  cobble), 
Kesolv'd  to  spare  him ;  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  Hoghan  Moghan  too 
Impartial  justice,  in  his  stead  did 
Hang  an  old  Weaver  that  was  bed-rid." l 

The  really  amusing  part  of  this  episode,  however,  yet 
remains  to  be  told.  When  it  was  rescued  from  oblivion, 
through  the  wit  of  Butler,  in  1663,  the  reaction  against  puri- 
tanism  was  at  its  height,  and  everything  which  tended  to 
render  the  sect,  so  recently  all-powerful,  either  odious  or 
ridiculous,  was  eagerly  sought  for  and  implicitly  believed. 
New  England,  and  especially  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  was  out  of  favor.  So  striking  an  exemplification  of 
Puritan  justice  was  not  to  be  disregarded.  The  whole  ab- 
surd fiction  of  Morton  and  Butler  was,  therefore,  not  only 
accepted  as  historical  truth,  but  the  bastard  tradition  was  sol- 
emnly deposited  at  the  door  of  the  good  people  of  Boston 
and  Plymouth  : — and  so  the  Weymouth  hanging  passed  into 

1  Hudibras,  Part  II.,  Canto  II.,  11.  409-36. 


16 

* 

history  hand  in  hand  with  the  famous  Blue-Laws  of  Connecti- 
cut. There  is,  however,  something  irresistibly  ludicrous  in 
picturing  to  oneself  the  horror  and  dismay  with  which  the 
severe  elders  of  the  Plymouth  church  would  have  contem- 
plated the  saddling  of  their  fame  before  posterity,  on  the 
ribald  authority  of  the  New  English  Canaan  and  of  Hudibras, 
with  the  apochryphal  misdeeds  of  Westou's  vagabonds.  But 
so  it  happened,  and  nearly  a  century  and  a  half  later  the 
absurd  fiction  was  gravely  recorded  in  his  history  by  Gov- 
ernor Hutchinson,  as  a  part  of  the  early  annals  of  New  Eng- 
land.1 

But  it  is  necessary  to  return  to  Weston's  colony.  We 
left  it  face  to  face  with  famine,  deserted  by  its  leader,  and  in 
terror  of  the  savages  ;  in  the  wish  to  propitiate  whom  the  starv- 
ing, shivering  outcasts  had  just  hung  one  of  their  own  number 
in  front  of  their  palisade.  Even  this,  however,  did  not  appease 
the  Indians,  who  were  now  thoroughly  restless  and  had  begun 
to  conspire  together  all  along  the  cqast  for  the  simultaneous 
destruction  of  both  the  infant  settlements.  It  was  just  one 
year  since  the  Virginia  massacre,  and  that  tragedy  seemed 
about  to  be  re-enacted  in  New  England.  Intimations  of  the 
impending  danger  reached  the  Plymouth  and  the  Weymouth 
people  at  about  the  same  time  ;  coming  to  the  former  through 
a  friendly  hint  from  Massasoit,  and  to  the  latter  from  the  talk 
of  an  Indian  woman. 

The  Indians  were  now  watching  the  Wessagusset  settle- 
ment very  closely.  In  spite  of  their  terror,  the  settlers, 
however,  lived  on  in  a  reckless  way,  mixing  freely  with 
the  savages  and  taking  no  precautions  against  surprise.2 
But  one  at  least  of  their  number  was  thoroughly  alarmed, 
and  had  resolved  to  make  his  escape  to  Plymouth.  This 
was  Phinehas  Pratt,  one  of  the  seven  who  had  come  on 
in  the  shallop  during  the  previous  May  in  advance  of  the  body 
of  the  enterprise.  The  journey  he  now  proposed  to  himself 
was  both  difficult  and  dangerous.  It  was  March,  and  he  was 
insufficiently  clad  and  weak  for  want  of  food  ;  he  did  not  know 

1  Hist,  of  Mass.,  v.  1,  p.  6,  n. ; — for  a  curious  traditionary  account  of  this  execution 
see,  also,  Uriny's  Voyages  (pp.  116-18,)  and  Proceedings  of  Mass.  So.  for  1871, 
(p.  59.) 

a  Wiuslow ;  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  336. 


17 

the  way,  nor  did  he  even  have  a  compass.  The  Indians, 
probably  in  furtherance  of  their  half-matured  conspiracy,  had 
gradually  moved  their  wigwams  closer  and  closer  to  the  settle- 
ment. Pratt's  first  object  was  to  steal  away  unobserved  by 
them.  Very  early  one  morning,  therefore,  preparing  a  small 
pack,  he  took  a  hoe  in  his  hand  and  left  the  settlement  as  if 
he  were  in  search  of  nuts,  or  about  to  dig  for  shell-fish.  He 
went  directly  towards  that  end  of  the  swamp  nearest  the  wig- 
wams. Getting  close  to  them  he  pretended  to  be  busy  digging, 
until  he  had  satisfied  himself  that  he  was  unobserved ;  then 
he  suddenly  plunged  into  the  thicket  and  began  to  make  his 
way  as  rapidly  as  he  could  iu  a  southerly  direction.  The  sky 
was  overcast ;  the  ground  also  was  in  many  places  covered  with 
snow,  which  greatly  alarmed  him,  as  it  seemed  likely  to  afford 
an  almost  certain  trail  in  case  of  pursuit.  Fortunately  for 
him  he  at  once  lost  his  way,  or  he  must  soon  have  been  over- 
taken. He  hurried  along,  however,  as  fast  as  he  could,  until 
late  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  sun  appeared  sufficiently  to 
give  him  some  indication  of  his  course.  He  at  length  came 
to  the  North  River,  which  he  found  both  deep  and  cold ;  he 
succeeded  in  fording  it,  however,  and,  as  night  began  to  fall, 
found  himself  too  weary  to  go  further,  \veak  from  cold  and 
hunger  and  yet  afraid  to  light  a  fire.  Finally  he  came  to  a 
deep  hollow  in  which  were  many  fallen  trees  ;  here  he  stopped, 
lit  a  fire  and  rested,  listening  to  the  howling  of  the  wolves  in 
the  woods  around  him.  At  night  the  sky  cleared  and  he  dis- 
tinguished the  north  star,  thus  getting  his  bearings.  He 
resumed  his  journey  in  the  morning  but  found  himself  unable 
to  proceed  with  it,  and  so  .returned  to  his  camping  place  of 
the  previous  night.  The  succeeding  day,  however,  was  clear, 
and  he  started  again ;  this  time  more  successfully,  for  by 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  he  got  to  Duxbury  and  recog- 
nized the  landmarks ;  soon  afterwards  reaching  the  settle- 
ment, thoroughly  exhausted,  but  in  safety.  He  thus  finished 
a  perilous  journey,  for  the  pursuers  were  not  far  behind  him. 
The  next  day  they  appeared  on  the  outskirts  of  the  settlement 
and  assured  themselves  of  his  arrival.  They  had  lost  his 
trail,  and,  following  the  more  direct  path,  had  missed  him; 
but  nevertheless  he  had,  as  he  himself  expressed  it,  "been 

3 


18 

pursued  for  his  life  ill  time  of  frost  and  snow  as  a  deer  chased 
by  the  wolves."1 

He  now  delivered  his  tidings  and  was  cared  for,  but  he 
found  the  Plymouth  settlement  fully  awake  to  the  danger. 
The  council  had  already  had  the  subject  under  advisement, 
and,  the  day  before  Pratt's  arrival,  had  decided  upon  war. 
Their  proceedings  were  vigorous.  Captain  Miles  Standish 
was  authorized  to  take  with  him  such  a  force  as  was  in  his 
judgment  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  hold  his  own  against 
all  the  Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston  Bay,  and 
go  at  once  to  Wessagusset.  He  did  not  apparently  place  a 
very  high  estimate  either  on  the  numbers  or  the  valor  of  his 
opponents,  for  he  selected  only  eight  men,2  and  with  them  was 
on  the  point  of  starting  when  Pratt  arrived.  The  next  day, 
March  25,  1623,  the  wind  proved  fair,  and  so  the  little  army 
got  into  its  boat  and  set  sail. 

Reaching  Weymouth  Fore  River  on  the  26th,  after  a  pros- 
perous voyage,  Standish  steered  directly  for  the  Swan,  which 
was  lying  at  her  moorings  near  the  settlement.  Greatly  to 
his  surprise  he  found  her  wholly  deserted, — there  was  not  a 
soul  on  board.  A  musket  was  fired  as  a  signal,  which  at- 
tracted the  attention  of  a  few  miserable  creatures  busy  search- 
ing for  nuts.  From  them  Standish  learned  that  the  principal 
men  of  the  settlement  were  in  the  stockade ;  so  he  lauded, 

1  Pratt's  Narrative ;  IV.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  (v.  4,  pp.  483,  7) ,  can  be  accepted  as 
authority  only  Avith  very  decided  limitations.  Prepared  for  a  specific  purpose,  long 
subsequent  to  the  occurrence  of  the  events  to  which  it  relates,  it  is  neither  consistent 
with  itself  nor  with  the  Plymouth  authorities.  He  dwells  at  length  on  the  apprehen- 
sion of  an  attack  by  the  Indians  felt  by  the  Weston  colon}-,  and  the  precautions  they 
took  against  it  (pp.  482-3).  Standish,  on  the  contrary,  reported  that  he  found  them 
living  in  reckless  disregard  of  every  precaution.  Winsloiv,  in  Young's  C.  of  P.  (p. 
336.)  Pecksuot's  famous  speech  to  Standish,  which  Pratt  must  often  have  heard 
discussed  at  Plymouth,  finds  a  place  in  his  narrative  as  having  been  made  to  him 
long  previously  (p.  481).  Finally,  if  the  terror  at  Wessagusset  was  such  as  he  asserts 
it  to  have  been,  the  settlers  there  could  have  gone  on  board  the  Swan  and  sailed  to 
Plymouth  in  search  of  aid,  quite  as  well  as  Standish  could  come  to  them  or  they 
go  subsequently  to  the  eastward.  Pratt  himself  was  unquestionably  both  alarmed 
and  hungry,  but  he  probably  fled  to  Plymouth  as  a  refugee.  When  he  got  there, 
having  doubtless  encountered  enough  of  danger  and  hardship  on  the  way,  he  found 
Standish  already  starting  for  Wessagusset.  His  own  sense  of  the  dangers  he  had 
run  and  the  heroism  he  had  displayed,  both  before  and  during  his  flight,  probably 
grew  with  each  succeeding  year.  I  have  adopted  only  such  of  his  statements  as  are 
corroborated  by  others,  or  seem  to  wear  an  aspect  of  inherent  probability. 

a  The  whole  number  of  Indians  in  that  vicinity  was  not  computed  at  over  fifty. 
Youny's  Chron.  of  Mass. -(p.  305) ;  Winslow ;  Young's  C.  of  P.  (p.  310). 


19 

and,  after  some  conversation  with  them,  promptly  began  his 
preparations.  The  stragglers  were  all  called  in,  and  every 
one  was  forbidden  to  go  beyond  gunshot  from  the  stockade. 
Rations  of  corn  were  issued  to  all  out  of  the  slender  stock 
which  the  prudent  Plymouth  people  had  reserved  for  seed,  and 
something  like  discipline  was  established.  The  weather  was 
wet  and  stormy,  delaying  final  operations,  but  the  Indians, 
nevertheless,  seeing  Standish  on  the  ground,  began  to  suspect 
that  their  designs  were  discovered.  Pecksuot,  their  chief, 
accordingly  came  in  and  had  an  interview,  Hobbamock,  a 
friendly  Indian  wjio  had  accompanied  the  expedition,  acting 
as  interpreter. 

This  was  one  of  the  very  famous  Indian  talks  of  early  New 
England  annals ;  not  only  was  it  chronicled  in  all  the  records 
of  the  time,  but  it  has  since  found  a  place  in  poetry,  so  that 
to-day  the  speech  of  the  savage  Pecksuot  to  the  doughty 
Miles  Standish  is  most  familiar  to  us  through  the  verses  of 
Longfellow l : — 

"  Then  lie  unsheathed  his  knife,  and,  whetting  the  blade  on  his  left  hand, 
Held  it  aloft,  and  displayed  a  woman's  face  on  the  handle, 
Saying,  with  bitter  expression  and  look  of  sinister  meaning : 

'  I  have  another  at  home,  with  the  face  of  a  man  on  the  handle ; 
By  and  by  they  shall  marry ;  and  there  will  be  plenty  of  children  ! ' " 

This  figurative  language  both  Standish  and  his  Indian 
interpreter  accepted  as  meaning  war.  At  the  moment,  how- 
ever, no  act  of  overt  hostility  took  place  on  either  side. 
Standish  was  not  ready.  His  plan  was  to  strike,  but  when 
he  struck  he  meant  to  strike  hard.  He  proposed,  in  fact,  to 
get  all  the  Indians  he  could  into  his  power  and  then  to  kill 
them.2  The  day  after  the  knife  interview  he  found  himself 
with  several  of  his  men  in  a  room  with  four  of  the  savages, 
among  whom  were  Pecksuot  and  Wituwamat.  Suddenly 
Standish  gave  the  signal  and  flung  himself  on  Pecksuot, 
snatching  his  knife  from  its  sheath  on  his  neck  and  stabbing 
him  with  it.  The  door  was  closed  and  a  life-and-death 
struggle  ensued.  The  savages  were  taken  by  surprise,  but 
they  fought  hard,  making  little  noise  but  catching  at  their 

1  The  Courtship  of  Miles  Standish,  Part  VII.     See  also  Pratt's  Narrative,  IV. 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  v.  4.  p.  481,  and  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  338. 

2  Winslow ;  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  331.    Bradford,  p.  164. 


20 

weapons  and  struggling  until  they  were  cut  almost  to  pieces. 
Finally  Pecksnot,  Wituwamat  and  a  third  Indian  were  killed, 
while  a  fourth,  a  youth  of  eighteen  was  overpowered  and 
secured ;  him,  Standish  subsequently  hung.  The  massacre, 
for  such  in  historic  justice  it  must  be  called,  seeing  that  they 
killed  every  man  they  could  lay  their  hands  on,  then  began. 
There  were  eight  warriors  in  the  stockade  at  the  time, — 
Standish  and  his  party  had  killed  three  and  secured  one ; 
they  subsequently  killed  another,  while  the  Weston  people 
despatched  two  more.  One  only  escaped  to  give  the  alarm, 
which  was  rapidly  spread  through  the  Indian  villages. 

Standish  immediately  followed  up  his  advantage.  Leaving 
some  Indian  women,  who  happened  to  be  in  the  stockade, 
in  charge  of  a  portion  of  his  own  men  and  of  the  settlers,  he 
took  one  or  two  of  the  latter  and  the  remainder  of  his  own 
force,  and  started  in  pursuit.  He  had  gone  no  great  distance 
when  a  file  of  Indians  was  seen  advancing.  Both  parties 
hurried  forward  to  secure  the  advantage  of  a  rising  ground 
near  at  hand.  Standish  got  to  it  first,  and  the  savages  at 
once  scattered,  sheltering  themselves  behind  trees  and 
discharging  a  flight  -of  arrows  at  their  opponents.  The 
engagement  was,  however,  very  brief,  for  Hobbamock, 
throwing  off  his  coat,  rushed  at  his  countrymen,  who  incon- 
tinently fled  to  the  swamp ;  one  only  of  the  party  being 
injured,  a  shot  breaking  his  arm.  Further  pursuit  was  un- 
availing, so  Standish  returned  to  the  stockade,  from  which  he 
caused  the  Indian  women  to  be  dismissed  unharmed. 

The  Weston  people  now  discovered  that  they  had  had 
enough  of  life  in  the  wilderness,  and  wholly  declined  to  tarry 
any  longer  at  Wessagusset.  Standish  asserted  his  readiness 
to  hold  the  place  against  all  the  Indians  of  the  vicinage  with 
half  the  force  of  the  Weston  party,  but  they  were  not  Stand- 
ishes,  nor  did  they  feel  any  call  to  heroism.  So,  the  choice 
being  given  to  them,  they  divided, — one  portion,  on  board  the 
Swan,  following  Sanders  to  the  coast  of  Maine,  while  the 
rest  accompanied  Standish  home  and  cast  in  their  lot  among 
the  Plymouth  people.  Standish  supplied  those  on  board  the 
Swan  with  a  sufliciency  of  corn  whereon  to  sustain  life,  and 
saw  them  safely  leave  the  harbor  and  bear  away  to  the  north 
and  east;  then  he  himself,  carrying  with  him  the  head  of 


21 

Wituwamat,  to  ornament  the  Plymouth  block-house  as  a 
terror  to  all  evil-disposed  savages,  sailed  prosperously  home. 

Thus  in  failure,  disgrace  and  bloodshed  ended  the  first 
attempt  of  a  settlement  at  Weymouth.  Ill-conceived,  ill- 
executed,  ill-fated,  it  was  probably  saved  from  utter  extirpa- 
tion only  by  the  energetie  interference  of  the  Plymouth 
people.  And  these  last  not  unjustifiably  indulged  in  some 
grim  chuckling  over  the  speedy  downfall  of  those  who  had 
thought  to  teach  them  how  to  subdue  a  wilderness.1  Three 
men  only  remained  behind  at  Wessagusset.  One  of  these 
had  domesticated  himself  among  the  savages ;  the  other  two, 
in  defiance  of  orders,  had  straggled  off  to  an  Indian  settlement 
where  they  had  been  left  by  a  companion  on  the  day  of  the 
engagement.  All  three  were  put  to  death  by  the  savages, 
probably  with  that  refinement  of  cruelty  which  distinguished 
Indian  executions  ;  for,  afterwards,  in  speaking  of  their  fate, 
one  ot  the  savages  said,  "When  we  killed  your  men  they 
cried  and  made  ill-favored  faces."2 

When  good  old  John  Robinson,  at  Ley  den,  heard  of  the 
Wessagusset  killing  he  was  sorely  moved.  He  wrote  out 
to  his  flock  a  letter  of  gentle  caution  in  respect  to  the  rough 
ways  of  Captain  Miles  Standish,  who,  though  the  aged  pastor 
loved  him,  he  yet  intimated  was  one  perchance  "  wanting  that 
tenderness  of  the  life  of  man  which  is  meet."  He  also  referred 
to  the  Wessagusset  settlers  as  "heathenish  Christians,"  and 
exclaimed  in  reference  to  Pecksuot  and  Wituwamat,  "Oh! 
how  happy  a  thing  had  it  been  if  you  had  converted  some 
before  you  had  killed  any."3  Nevertheless,  rough  as  he  was, 
the  Plymouth  people  then  stood  in  greater  need  of  stern 
Miles  Standish  than  of  gentle  John  Robinson.  The  times 
were  not  meet  for  works  of  conversion,  nor  were  Pecksuot 
and  his  friends  favorable  subjects  therefor.  In  the  light  of 
the  Virginia  experience  of  1622,  and  of  the  New  England 
terror  during  the  war  of  King  Philip,  posterity  must  concede 
that  the  severe  course  of  Miles  Standish  here  in  Weymouth, 
in  March,  1623,  was  the  most  truly  merciful  course.  The 

1  Bradford,  p.  132. 

2  Pratt's  Narrative,  IV.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  p.  486.    Xe\v  English  Canaan,  p.  76. 
Force's  Tracts,  v.  2.    Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  344. 

3  Bradford,  p.  164. 


22 

settlers  had  demoralized  the  Indians.  They  had  at  once 
inspired  them  with  anger,  with  dislike  and  with  contempt. 
Any  sign  of  faltering  on  the  part  of  the  Plymouth  people 
would  have  been  fatal.  Had  they  abandoned  Wessagusset 
to  its  fate,  the  settlers  there  would  have  been  exterminated, 
and  the  savages,  maddened  by  a  taste  of  blood,  would  have 
turned  upon  Plymouth.  The  woods  would  have  rung  with 
war-whoops  and  the  feeble  colony  could  scarcely  have  sur- 
vived the  ordeal  of  blood  treading  hard  on  that  of  famine. 
Standish  crushed  out  the  danger  in  the  incipient  stage.  By 
ruthlessly  murdering  seven  men  he  reestablished  the  moral 
ascendency  of  the  whites,  and  so  saved  the  lives  of  hundreds. 
He  stopped  the  war  before  it  began,  and  deferred  it  to 
another  generation.  In  so  doing,  the  Puritan  captain  revealed 
the  instinctive  sagacity  of  a  true  soldier, — he  struck  so  that 
he  did  not  have  to  strike  twice  : — he  cowed  the  savages  at 
"VVey mouth,  and  for  years  peace  was  secured  for  Plymouth.1 

All  this  took  place  in  March,  and  shortly  after  the  unfor- 
tunate Mr.  Weston  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Maine,  seeking 
news  of  his  colony.  He  there  heard  of  its  ruin  and,  with 
one  or  two  men,  started  in  a  small  boat  for  Wessagusset. 
His  ill-fortune  pursued  him.  Overtaken  by  a  storm  he  was 
cast  away  near  where  Newburyport  now  stands,  and  barely 
saved  his  life  only  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  savages,  who 
stripped  him  to  his  shirt.  He  succeeded,  however,  in  finding 
his  way  back  to  the  fishing  stations  in  Maine  and  thence  to 
Plymouth.  The  people  there  received  him  kindly,  and  loaned 
him  some  beaver-skins  on  which  to  trade :  and  again  he 
returned  to  the  eastward.  There  he  found  his  smaller  vessel, 
the  Swan,  and  some  of  his  people.  Afterwards  he  seems  to 
have  been  both  very  adventurous  and  very  unfortunate.  He 
made  frequent  voyages  to  Virginia,  and  now  and  again  flits 
vaguely  across  the  page  of  Plymouth  history, — in  debt,  in 
trouble,  in  arrest.  Finally  he  returned  to  England,  where, 
long  afterwards  during  the  wars  of  Cromwell,  he  died  of  the 
plague  at  Bristol. 

But  Wessagusset  was  not  destined  long  to  remain  a  soli- 
tude. Deserted  in  March,  it  was  again  occupied  just  six 

1  Winslow ;  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  344.    The  New  English  Canaan,  p.  73. 


23 

months  later;  for,  in  the  middle  of  September,  1623,  Captain 
Robert  Gorges,  a  son  of  that  Sir  Ferdinand  whose  name  is  so 
prominent  in  the  early  annals  of  New  England,  sailed  up  the 
Fore  River,  and  landed  at  Weston's  deserted  plantation.  His 
enterprise  was  of  a  quite  different  character  from  that  which 
had  preceded  it.  He  held  a  grant  from  the  Council  of  New 
England,  covering  a  tract  of  land  vaguely  described  as  lying 
on  the  north-east  side  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  as  what  is  now 
known  as  Boston  Bay  was  then  called,  and  covering  ten 
miles  of  sea-front,  while  stretching  thirty  miles  into  the  inte- 
rior. He  was  also  commissioned  as  Governor-General,  and 
authorized  to  correct  any  abuses  which  had  crept  into  the 
affairs  of  the  company  in  America ;  for  the  more  effectual 
doing  of  which  he  was  further  provided  with  a  grand  admiral 
and  a  council,  of  which  the  Governor  of  Plymouth  for  the 
time  being  was  ex  officio  a  member.  His  jurisdiction  was  of 
the  largest  description,  civil,  criminal  and  ecclesiastical,  for 
he  also  brought  with  him  in  his  company  one  Mr.  William 
Morell,  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England,  holding  a 
commission  from  the  ecclesiastical  courts  of  the  mother  coun- 
try, which  authorized  him  to  exercise  a  species  of  super- 
intendency  over  the  churches  of  the  colony.  This  whole 
expedition  seems,  in  fact,  to  have  been  organized  on  a  most 
ludicrously  grandiose  scale,  probably  to  meet  the  vi^ws  of  its 
commander,  who  had  recently  seen  some  service  in  the  Vene- 
tian wars  and  was  now  nourishing  ambitious  visions  of  an 
empire  in  the  wilderness.  The  establishment  of  episcopacy 
in  New  England  had  long  been  a  favorite  idea  with  Sir  Ferdi- 
nand Gorges,1  and  now,  when  he  sent  his  son  thither,  he  pro- 
vided him  not  only  with  a  council  and  an  admiral,  but  also 
with  a  primate.  This  company  was,  however,  composed  of 
a  different  material  from  that  of  Weston's.  It  was  made  up 
of  families,  as  well  as  of  individuals,  and  contained  in  it  some 
elements  of  strength.2  The  party  disembarked  just  as  the 
autumn  tints  began  to  glow  through  the  forest,  and  busied 
themselves  with  the  erection  of  their  storehouses.  Captain 
Gorges  meanwhile  notified  the  Plymouth  people  of  his  arrival, 
and  Governor  Bradford  prepared  to  answer  the  summons  in. 

i  Young's  C.  of  P.,  p.  477,  n.  a  Bradford,  p.  148, 


24 

person.  Before  he  could  do  so,  however,  Gorges  started  on 
a  voyage  to  the  fishing  stations  in  Maine  ;  but,  encountering 
some  rough  weather  on  his  way,  he  put  about  and  ran  into 
Plymouth  in  search  of  a  pilot.  He  remained  there  some  four- 
teen days,  and  then,  instead  of  resuming  his  voyage,  he 
returned  to  Wessagusset  by  land.  Upon  reaching  his  seat 
of  government  he,  for  the  first,  and,  so  far  as  appears,  for 
the  last  time,  made  any  use  of  his  great  civil  and  military 
powers  by  causing  Weston,  who  had  turned  up  in  Plymouth 
Bay,  on  board  the  Swan,  to  be  arrested  and  sent  with  this 
vessel  around  to  Weymouth.  His  own  ship,  meanwhile, 
remained  at  Plymouth,  where,  on  the  5th  of  November,  her 
company  occasioned  a  great  disaster  to  the  unfortunate  colo- 
nists. The  weather  was  cold,  and  a  number  of  seamen  were 
celebrating  Guy  Fawkes'  day  before  a  large  fire  in  one  of  the 
houses,  when  the  thatch  ignited,  and,  for  a  brief  time,  it  was 
a  question  whether  the  general  store-house,  and  with  it  the 
Plymouth  colony,  were  not  to  be  destroyed.  Fortunately 
only  three  or  four  houses  were  burned,  but  it  is  curious  to 
reflect  how  much  more  heavily  the  loss  of  those  few  log  huts 
bore  on  the  Plymouth  of  those  days  than  did  the  great 
conflagration  of  two  centuries  and  a  half  later  on  the  Boston 
of  ours.  At  any  rate  it  seemed  to  sicken  Captain  Robert 
Gorges  and  his  party,  for,  shortly  after  it,  he  retired  to  Eng- 
land, thoroughly  disgusted  with  the  work  of  founding  empires 
in  the  New  World.1  With  him  returned  the  larger  part  of 
his  company,  but  not  the  whole  of  it;  nor,  indeed,  does 
Weymouth  seem  ever  again  to  have  been  abandoned  as  a  set- 
tlement. While  some  of  the  party  went  to  Virginia,  others 
remained  at  Wessagusset,  and  Mr.  Morell  took  up  his  tem- 
porary abode  at  Plymouth.  This  gentleman  appears,  indeed, 
to  have  been  not  only  a  man  of  education  and  refinement,  but 
also  to  have  been  possessed  of  discretion  and  good  sense. 
For  a  wonder  he,  an  ecclesiastic,  remained  at  Plymouth 
nearly  a  year  with  a  letter  in  his  pocket  conferring  on  him 
great  powers,  and  yet  he  neither  sought  to  exercise  any 
authority,  nor  did  lie  intrigue  or  stir  up  any  trouble.  On  the 
contrary,  he  quietly  minded  his  own  business,  and  beguiled 
his  leisure  hours  in  the  composition  of  a  very  good  Latin 

i  Bradford,  p.  154. 


25 

poem  descriptive  of  the  country.1  He  made  of  it,  too,  a 
very  bad  metrical  translation.  The  mece  is  curious,  but  now 
scarcely  repays  perusal.2  With  the  country  he  was  charmed, 
but  not  so  with  the  natives  who  inhabited  it.  Indeed,  he 
seems  to  have  been  impressed  with  America  much  as  Bishop 
Reginald  Heber  was,  long  afterwards,  with  India,  and  to  have 
exclaimed  of  his  diocese,  in  the  words  of  the  latter  dignitary  : 

"  There  every  prospect  pleases, 
And  only  man  is  vile." 

A  few  very  brief  extracts  will  give  a  sufficient  idea  both  of 
the  spirit  of  his  poem  and  of  the  otherwise  than  smoothness 
of  his  versification.  It  is  Weymouth  itself,  perhaps,  that  he 
thus  describes : — 

"  The  fruitfull  and  well  watered  earth  doth  glad 
All  hearts,  when  Flora 's  with  her  spangles  clad, 
And  yeelds  an  hundred  fold  for  one, 
To  feede  the  bee  and  to  invite  the  drone. 


"  There  natures  counties,  though  not  planted  are, 
Great  store  and  sorts  of  berries  great  and  faire : 
Trie  filberd,  cherry  and  the  fruitful  vine, 
Which  cheares  the  heart  and  makes  it  more  divine. 
Earth's  spangled  beauties  pleasing  smell  and  sight ; 
Objects  for  gallant  choice  and  chiefe  delight. 

"  All  ore  that  maine  the  vernant  tress  abound, 
Where  cedar,  cypres,  spruce  and  beech  are  found. 
Ash,  oake  and  wal-nut,  pines  and  junipere; 
The  hasel,  palme  and  hundred  more  are  there. 
Ther  's  grasse  and  hearbs  contenting  man  and  beast, 
On  which  both  deare,  and  beares,  and  wolves  do  feast." 

When  he  comes  to  deal  with  the  noble  savage,  however, 
his  enthusiasm  rapidly  wanes  : — 

"  They  're  wondrous  cruell,  strangely  base  and  vile, 
Quickly  displeas'd,  and  hardly  reconcil'd ; 


"  Whose  hayre  is  cut  with  greeces,  yet  a  locke 
Is  left ;  the  left  side  bound  up  in  a  kuott : 


1  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Massachusetts,  I.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v,  9,  p.  6. 

2  Both  poem  and  translation  are  to  be  found  in  I.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  1,  p.  125. 

4 


26 

"  Of  body  straight,  tall,  strong,  mantled  in  skin 
Of  deare  or  bever,  with  the  hayre-side  in ; 

•    • 

"  A  kind  ofpinsen  keeps  their  feet  from  cold, 
Which  after  travels  they  put  off,  up-fold, 
Themselves  they  warme,  their  ungirt  limbes  they  rest 
In  straw,  and  houses,  like  to  sties  :  " 

The  Rev.  William  Morell,  however,  the  next  year  (1624), 
abandoned  both  the  wilderness  and  the  savages,  returning  to 
England ;  and  with  him  Episcopacy,  that  exotic  in  New  Eng- 
land, withdrew  for  many  years  from  these  shores.  The  settle- 
ment at  Wey mouth  was  not  for  all  that  wholly  broken  up. 
This  statement  now  admits  of  conclusive  proof;  for  while 
previous  to  Robert  Gorges'  arrival  at  Weymouth  the  region 
about  Boston  Bay  had  been  wholly  unoccupied,  from  that  time 
forward  there  is  evidence  of  scattered  plantations  upon  its 
islands  and  along  its  shores.  The  Plymouth  annals  distinctly 
state  that  some  few  of  his  people  remained  behind  when  he 
withdrew,  and  were  assisted  from  thence.1  Two  years  later, 
the  next  settlers  in  that  vicinity  find  them  still  at  Wessagus- 
set.2  Two  years  later  yet  they  re-appear  ,iu  history,  as  we 
shall  presently  see.  In  1631,  or  three  years  later,'  the  persons 
through  whom  the  place  thus  re-appears  take  the  oath  as 
freemen  on  the  settlement  of  Boston.3  In  1632,  Governor 
Winthrop  visited  Wessagusset  and  was  liberally  entertained 
by  those  residing  there.4  The  next  year,  the  place  is  de- 
scribed as  a  "small  village";6  and  finally,  in  1636,  it  sends 
as  a  deputy  to  the  General  Court  one  of  those  who  had  been 
prominent  in  connection  with  events  there  in  1628. 6  There 
is,  therefore,  but  one  year,  1624,  unaccounted  for,  between 
the  Gorges'  settlement  and  the  incorporation  of  the  town  in 
1635.  But  the  evidence  does  not  stop  here.  When  Cap- 
tain Gorges  returned  to  England,  the  records  of  the  Council 
of  New  England  state  that  he  left  his  plantation  in  charge 
of  certain  persons,  who  are  referred  to  as  "his  servants, 
and  certain  other  Undertakers  and  Tenants."7  Shortly 
after,  Robert  Gorges  died  and  his  brother  John  succeeded  to 

1  Bradford,  p.  154.  *  The  New  English  Canaan,  p.  84. 

3  Records  of  Mass.  v.  1,  p.  30(5.  <  Savage's  Winthrop  v.  1,  p.  91. 

*  Wood's  New  England's  Prospect;  Young's  Chron.  of  Mass.,  p.  395. 
«  Records  of  Mass.  v.  1,  pp.  174-9.  '  Hazard's  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  1,  p.  391. 


27 

the  grant.  He  undertook  to  convey  a  portion  of  it  to  one 
John  Olclham,  and  accordingly  wrote  to  William  Blackstone 
and  William  Jeffries,  two  of  the  settlers  on  Boston  Bay,  to 
put  his  grantee  in  possession.  And  now  we  come  to  a  most 
interesting  point  in  connection  with  the  earliest  records  of 
Boston.  When  Winthrop  and  his  company  landed  in 
Charlestown  in  1630,  they  found  this  William  Blackstone 
already  settled  on  the  opposite  peninsula  in  what  is  now 
Boston.1  He  had  then  been  there  some  five  or  six  years,  but 
how  he  got  there  or  from  whence  has  always  been  a  mystery. 
There  he  was,  however.  Now  when  John  Gorges  proposed 
to  make  over  to  Oldham  his  brother's  grant  of  land,  he 
naturally  would  have  sent  his  directions  to  those  "  servants,  " 
"  undertakers  "  or  "  tenants,"  who  had  been  left  in  possession 
of  it  by  his  brother.  As  a  matter  of  fact  he  did  send  his  in- 
structions to  Blackstone  and  Jeffries,  and  the  last  named  then 
was  living  at  Wessagusset,  while  both  were  within  the  limits 
of  the  patent.  The  inference  is  difficult  to  resist  that  both 
had  belonged  to  the  Gorges  settlement, — that  one  had  re- 
mained on  its  site,  while  the  other  had  moved  away  about  a 
year  after  Gorges  left  to  a  locality  which  pleased  him  better. 
That  Jeffries  was  settled  at  Wey mouth  admits  of  no  question, 
for  when  that  place  next  appears  in  the  authentic  records  of 
the  time  it  is  under  a  double  name,  both  as  Wessagusset 
and  as  Jeffries  and  Burslems  plantation.  The  whole  chain 
of  connected  evidence,  therefore,  not  only  tends  to  shew  the 
continuing  settlement  of  Weymouth  after  September,  1623, 
but  it  also  establishes  the  strong  presumption  that  Boston 
itself  was  first  occupied  by  a  straggling  recluse  from  Avhat 
is  now  called  the  village  of  Old  Spain. 

The  two  hundred  and  fifty-first  year  of  the  consecutive 
settlement  of  Weymouth  will,  therefore,  as  I  conceive,  be 
completed  during  the  month  of  September  next ;  nor  can  I 

1  As  respects  Blackstone,  see  Young's  Chron.  of  Mass.  (p.  169),  hut  the  best  account 
of  this  singular  and  interesting  man  is  found  in  Bliss'  History  of  Rehoboth.  It  is 
another  point  of  some  importance  as  identifying  Blackstone  with  the  Gorges  settle- 
ment, that  he  had  received  episcopal  ordination  in  England.  //.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll. 
(v.  9,  p.  174.)  Now  the  Gorges  settlement  was  a  distinct  and  the  only  attempt  to 
plant  episcopacy  in  early  Massachusetts.  Morcll  and  Blackstone  were  both  educated 
and  studious  men  of  somewhat  similar  cast  of  minds  and  thought.  The  obvious  and 
natural  explanation  of  their  presence  in  the  wilderness  would  be  that  they  came  there 
together,  influenced  by  the  same  inducements. 


28 

find  any  sufficient  authority  for  the  generally  accepted  state- 
ment that  an  additional  body  of  settlers  arrived  during  the 
year  1624,  from  the  town  of  the  same  name  in  England,  hav- 
ing with  them  the  Rev.  Mr.  Barnard,  who  died  here  after  a 
ministration  of  eleven  years.1  With  the  departure  of  Captain 
Robert  Gorges  the  Wessagusset  settlement  practically  van- 
ishes from  the  page  of  cotemporary  history,  only  to  re-appear 
again  four  years  later  in  connection  with  a  very  famous  inci- 
dent. By  one  authority  only  during  the  intervening  time  do 
I  find  its  name  mentioned.  Mr.  Thomas  Morton  of  Merry 
Mount,  he  of  cobbler  atonement  memory,  refers  to  it  as  a 
place  to  which  he  had  recourse  in  winter  "  to  have  the  benefit 
of  company";2  and  he  seems  to  have  been  upon  tolerably 
familiar  terms  with  those  living  there,  as  several  years  after 
he  wrote  to  William  Jefferies,  addressing  him  as  "  My  very 

1  A  statement  to  this  effect  has  crept  into  the  generally  accepted  accounts  of  the 
settlement  of  Weymouth,  on  the  high  authority  of  Prince's  Annals.    Emery  Memo- 
rial, (p.  88.)    The  entry  in  Prince  is  at  the  close  of  1624,  and  reads  as  follows : — 
"  This  Year  comes  some  Addition  to  the  few  inhabitants  of  Wessagusset,  from  Wey- 
mouth in  England ;  who  are  another  sort  of  people  than  the  Former  (mst)   [and  on 
whose  Account  I  conclude  the  Town  is  since  called  Weymouth.]  "    To  this  entry  the 
compiler  appended  the  following  foot-note:  "They  have  the  Rev.  Mr.  Barnard  their 
first  Non-conformist  Minister,  who  dies  among  them :    But  whether  He  comes  before 
or  after  1630,  or  when  He  Dies  is  yet  unknown  (mst)  nor  do  I  anywhere  find  the  least 
Hint  of  Him,  but  in  the  Manuscript  Letters, -taken  from  some  of  the  oldest  People  at 
"Weymouth."    Annals,  (p.  150.) 

Prince  compiled  his  work  more  than  a  century  after  the  events  here  alleged  to 
have  taken  place.  He  carefully  gives  his  authority,  as  was  his  custom,  for  his  state- 
ment, and  himself  discredits  it.  It  seems,  so  far  as  the  date  was  concerned,  to  have 
been  a  mere  "  oldest  inhabitant "  tradition,  which  wholly  lacked  corroboration  by 
the  contemporaneous  authorities.  The  party  from  Weymouth,  in  England,  settled  at 
Dorchester  in  July,  1633 ;  Prince,  II.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  (v.  7,  p.  96.)  In  1635,  Massa- 
chiel  Barnard,  an  elder  not  a  minister,  came  out  with  the  party  mentioned  by  Win- 
throp  and  in  the  Records  of  Massachusetts  as  being  placed  at  Weymouth.  This 
party  included  not  only  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hull,  but  the  original  bearers  of  several  of  the 
names  now  most  common  in  Weymouth,  such  as  Bicknell,  Lovell,  Pool,  Upham, 
Porter,  &c.  See  .V.  E.  Gen.  Reg.  (v.  25,  p.  13.)  It  is  safe  to  say  that  the  date  of  1624 
given  in  Prince  is  wholly  erroneous.  If  the  permanent  settlement  of  .Weymouth 
does  not  belong  to  1623,  no  precise  date  for  it  can  be  assigned ;  but  I  cannot  see  any 
room  for  doubt  as  to  September,  1623. 

The  discovery,  in  1870,  of  the  names  of  those  who  came  out  with  Mr.  Hull,  in 
163o,  is  very  important  in  the  genealogy  of  Weymouth.  It  is  singular  to  study  in 
the  several  lists  of  names  which  have  at  various  times  been  made  out  the  fate  of  the 
families  which  bore  them.  Some,  the  Kings  and  Kingmans  for  instance,  have  never 
increased,  but  are  still  perpetuated  by  single  families  in  Weymouth ;  others  like  Jef- 
feries and  Burslcy  have  disappeared ;  while  yet  others,  like  the  Bicknells,  Frenches 
and  Lovells  have  increased  amazingly.  Lists  of  names  found  in  the  town  at  various 
epochs  are  printed  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Address,  with  indications  and  figures  shew- 
ing the  apparent  increase  or  disappearance  of  the  families. 

2  New  English  Canaan,  pp.  84,  86. 


29 

good  gossip."1  These  visits  of  Morton  were  made  between 
the  years  1625  and  1628.  Once  only  does  he  refer  to  the 
place  in  connection  with  any  clergyman,  and  then  it  is  with 
one  notorious  enough  in  the  early  annals,  but  of  a  different 
stripe  from  what  the  Rev.  Mr.  Barnard  is  supposed  to  have 
been.2  With  this  single  exception,  Wessagusset,  between 
1623  and  1628,  is  referred  to  by  the  chroniclers  of  the  day 
only  as  included  in  several  weak  and  scattered  plantations. 
In  1628,  however,  it  again  asserted  an  existence.  It  hap- 
pened in  this  wise.  The  year  after  Captain  Robert  Gorges 
had  retired  in  disgust,  a  certain  Captain  Wollaston  had  made 
his  appearance  in  Boston  Bay,  in  company  with  several  asso- 
ciates, bringing  with  him  a  party  of  hired  people  with  a  view 
to  establishing  a  permanent  trading  post.  He  selected,  as  best 
adapted  for  his  purpose,  the  rising  ground  over  against  Wes- 
sagusset to  the  north,  which  in  his  honor  was  called  Mount 
Wollaston,  the  name  by  which  it  has  ever  since  been  known. 
This  spot  had  some  time  previously  been  the  home  of  Chica- 
tabot,  the  greatest  sagamore  of  the  neighborhood,  by  whom  it 
had  been  cleared  of  trees.3  He,  however,  had  abandoned  it 
some  eight  years  before,  at  the  time  of  the  great  plague. 
Then,  as  now,  that  portion  of  the  bay  was  very  shallow,  so 
that  ships  could  not  ride  near  the  shore,  nor  boats  approach  it 
when  the  tide  was  out.  There  was,  however,  an  abundance  of 
beaver  in  the  vicinity,  and  here  Wollaston's  party  established 
itself.  After  a  brief  trial,  however,  Wollaston  himself  seems 
to  have  liked  the  prospect  no  better  than  Captain  Gorges,  for 

1  Hubbard,  p.  428. 

2  This  was  the  Rev.  John  Lyford.    A  detailed  account  of  the  somewhat  high 
handed  proceedings  of  the  Plymouth  authorities  in  regard  to  this  individual  and 
John  Oldham  is  found  in  Bradford's  history.    The  ceremonial  of  Oldham's  expulsion 
from  Plymouth  was  formal  but  peculiar.    Morton  gives  the  following  account  of  it : 
"  A  lane  of  Musketiers  was  made,  and  hee  compelled  in  scorne   to  passe  along 
betweene,  &  to  receave  a  bob  upon  the  bumme  be  every  musketier,  and  then  a  board 
a  shallop,  and  so  convayed  to  Wessaguscus  shoare  &  staid  at  Massachussets,  to 
whome  lohn  Lay  ford  and  some  few  more  did  resort,  where  Master  Lay  ford  freely 
executed  his  office  and  preached  every  Lords  day,  and  yat  maintained  his  wife  & 
children  foure  or  five,  upon  his  industry  there,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  and  the 
plenty  of  the  Land,  without  the  helpe  of  his  auditory,  in  an  honest  and  laudable 
manner,  till  hee  was  wearied,  and  made  to  leave  the  Country."     New  English 
Canaan  (p.  81)  ;  see  also  Bradford ;  (p.  190.)     This  took  place  early  in  1625,  but  the 
Oldham  and  Lyford  settlement  was  at  Hull,  not  at  Wessagusset,  and  lasted  but  little 
over  a  year;  note  to  Bradford ;  p.  195.) 

3  Wood's  New-England's  Prospect;  Young's  Chron.  of  Mass.,  p.  395. 


30 

he  departed  for  Virginia  with  a  portion  of  his  company,  leav- 
ing the  remainder  behind  in  charge  of  a  Mr.  Rassdall,  one  of 
his  partners.  Presently  he  summoned  Rassdall  to  follow  him 
with  yet  others  of  the  party,  and  one  Mr.  Fitcher  was  left  in 
command  of  the  remainder.  Among  these  was  Mr.  Thomas 
Morton.  This  individual  had  a  very  well  developed  talent 
for  mischief,  which  speedily  found  room  for  exercise  at  the 
expense  of  Lieutenant  Fitcher,  who  was  deposed  from  his 
command,  expelled  from  the  settlement  and  left  to  shift  for 
himself  with  the  aid  of  the  neighboring  settlers.  Then 
Mount  Wollaston  became  Merry  Mount,  with  Thomas  Morton 
for  its  presiding  genius.  According  to  all  showing  they  seem 
to  have  been  a  drunken,  dissolute  set,  trading  with  the 
savages  for  beaver-skins,  holding  very  questionable  relations 
with  the  Indian  women  and  generally  leading  a  wild,  reckless 
existence  on  the  bleak  and  well-nigh  uninhabited  New  Eng- 
land shore.  Their  house  stood  very  near  the  present  dwelling 
of  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams,  and  they  scandalized  the  whole  coast 
by  erecting  near  it  a  May-pole,  which  Morton  describes  as 
having  been  some  eighty  feet  in  height,  with  a  pair  of  buck- 
horns  nailed  to  the  top.  Upon  this  pole  the  retired  barrister 
seems  to  have  been  in  the  custom  of  fastening  copies  of 
verses  of  his  own  production,  while  he  and  his  companions 
conducted  noisy  revels  about  it.  All  this  was  bad  enough 
and  sufficiently  well  calculated  to  stir  the  gall  of  the  severe 
elders  of  Plymouth.  But  the  mischief  did  not  stop  here. 
The  business  of  this  precious  company,  in  the  intervals  of 
merriment,  was  to  trade ;  and  in  conducting  their  business 
they  were  by  no  means  scrupulous.  Liquor,  fire-arms  and 
ammunition  were  freely  exchanged  for  furs,  and  the  unsophis- 
ticated savage  evinced  a  decided  appreciation  of  the  first  and 
a  dangerous  aptitude  in  the  use  of  the  last.  Thus  the  solitary 
settlers  about  Boston  harbor  soon  found  themselves  in  danger 
of  their  lives,  as  they  espied  armed  Indians  prowling  about 
their  habitations.  The  trade,  however,  was  so  profitable  that 
Morton,  regardless  of  consequences,  was  preparing  to  develop 
it  on  a  larger  scale  when  his  neighbors  met  together  and  took 
council  one  with  another.  The  Mount  Wollaston  settlement 
was,  indeed,  the  first  recorded  instance  of  what  in  later  Mas- 
sachusetts history  is  technically  known  as  "a  liquor  nuisance," 


31 

and  the  neighbors  determined  that  considerations  of  ptiblic 
safety  required  that  it  should  be  abated.  Those  were  prim- 
itive times.  They  enjoyed  few  of  the  advantages  of  our 
more  developed  civilization,  and  while  there  were  no  ladies  of 
the  vicinage  to  wait  upon  the  then  lord  of  Merry  Mount  in  a 
spirit  of  prayerful  remonstrance,  there  was  also  no  state  con- 
stabulary before  whom  the  "rumseller"  trembled  and  fled. 
As  the  best  substitute  for  these  moral  and  legal  agencies,  and 
after  fruitless  efforts  at  reform  through  written  admonish- 
ments which  the  carnal  Morton  received  in  a  most  unsatisfac- 
tory spirit  of  contumely,  the  men  of  the  vicinage  called  upon 
the  fathers  of  Plymouth.1  These  at  once  despatched  the 
redoubtable  Miles  Standish  to  the  scene  o£  trouble,  with 
directions  to  set  matters  to  rights  there  once  more,  even  as 
he  had  done  five  years  before  in  the  days  of  Pecksuot. 
Weymouth  was  the  scene  of  a  portion  of  the  succeeding 
operations,  which  were  of  a  nature  too  delightfully  humorous 
to  be  told  in  any  language  except  that  of  the  actors  and  of 
the  time ;  besides  the  accounts  furnish  a  very  beautiful  illus- 
tration of  the  discrepancies  in  authority  which  it  becomes  the 
painful  duty  of  the  historian  to  reconcile.  And  first,  Thomas 
Morton  shall  tell  his  own  story  : — 

"They  set  upon  my  honest  host  (Morton)  at  a  place,  called 
Wessaguscus,  where  (by  accident)  they  found  him.  The 
inhabitants  there  were  in  good  hope,  of  the  subvertion  of  the 
plantation  at  Mare  Mount  (which  they  principally  aymed  at ;) 
and  the  rather,  because  mine  host  was  a  man  that  indeavoured 
to  advance  the  dignity  of  the  Church  of  England ;  which  they 
'  (on  the  contrary  part)  would  laboure  to  vilifie ;  with  uncivile 
terms  :  enveying  against  the  sacred  booke  of  common  prayer, 
and  mine  host  (Morton)  that  used  it  in  a  laudable  manner 
amongst  his  family,  as  a  practise  of  piety. 

"In  breife,  mine  host  (Morton)  must  indure  to  be  their 
prisoner,  untill  they  could  contrive  it  so,  that  they  might  send 
him  for  England  (as  they  said,)  there  to  suffer  according  to 
the  merrit  of  the  fact,  which  they  intended  to  father  upon 
him.  .... 

1  Bradford's  Letter  Book,  I.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  3,  p.  61. 


32 

"  Much  rejoyciug  was  made  that  they  had  gotten  their 
cappitall  enemy,  .  .  .  The  Conspirators  sported 
themselves  at  my  honest  host  (Morton),  that  meant  them  no 
hurt ;  and  were  so  joccund  that  they  feasted  their  bodies,  and 
fell  to  tippeling,  as  if  they  had  obtained  a  great  prize  ; 
Mine  host  (Morton)  fained  greefe :  and  could  not  be  per- 
s waded  either  to  eate,  or  drinke,  because  hee  knew  emptines 
would  be  a  meanes  to  make  him  as  watchfull  as  the  Geese 
kept  in  the  Roman  Cappitall :  whereon  the  contrary  part,  the 
conspirators  would  be  so  drowsy  that  hee  might  have  an 
opportunity  to  give  them  a  slip,  insteade  of  a  tester.  Six 
persons  of  the  conspiracy  were  set  to  watch  him  at  Wessa- 
guscus  :  But  li£e  kept  waking ;  and  in  the  dead  of  night  (one 
lying  on  the  bed,  for  further  suerty,)  up  gets  mine  Host 
(Morton)  and  got  to  the  second  dore  that  hee  was  to  passe 
which  (notwithstanding  the  lock)  hee  got  open  :  and  shut  it 
after  him  with  such  violence,  that  it  affrighted  some  of  the 
conspirators. 

"  The  word  which  was  given  with  an  alarme,  was,  6  he  's  gon, 
he  's  gon,  what  shall  we  doe,  he  's  gon?  the  rest  (halfe  a 
sleepe)  start  up  in  a  maze,  and  like  rames,  rantheire  heads 
one  at  another  full  butt  in  the  darke. 

"Their  grand  leader  Captaine  Shrimp  (Standish)  tooke  on 
most  furiously,  and  tore  his  clothes  for  anger,  to  see  the 
empty  nest,  and  their  bird  gone.  The  rest  were  eager  to 
have  torne  theire  haire  from  theire  heads,  but  it  was  so  short, 
that  it  would  give  them  no  hold  :  ...  In  the  meane 
time  mine  Host  (Morton)  was  got  home  to  Ma-re  Mount 
through  the  woods,  eight  miles,  round  about  the  head  of  the 
river  Monatoquit,  that  parted  the  two  Plantations  :  finding 
his  way  by  the  help  of  the  lightening  (for  it  thundered  as  he 
went  terribly).  .... 

"Now  Captaine  Shrimp  (Standish)  .  .  .  takes 
eight  persons  more  to  him,  and  they  imbarque  with  prepara- 
tion against  Ma-re-Mount  .  .  .  Now  the  nine 
Worthies  are  approached ;  and  mine  Host  (Morton)  pre- 
pared :  having  intelligence  by  a  Salvage,  that  hastened  in 
love  from  Wessaguscus  to  give  him  notice  of  their  intent. 
The  nine  Worthies  comming  before  the  Demie 
of  this  supposed  Monster,  (this  seaveu  headed  hydra,  as  they 


33 

termed  him)  and  began  like  Don  Quixote  against  the  Wind- 
mill to  beate  a  party,  and  to  offer  quarter  (if  mine  Host 
(Morton)  would  yeald)  .  .  .  Yet  (to  save 

the  effusion  of  so  much  worthy  bloud,  as  would  have  issued 
out  of  the  vayues  of  these  9.  worthies  of  New  Canaan,  if  mine 
Host  should  have  played  upon  them  out  at  his  port  holes  (for 
they  came  within  danger  like  a  flocke  of  wild  geese,  as  if 
they  had  bin  tayled  one  to  another,  as  coults  to  be  sold  at  a 
faier)  mine  Host  (Morton)  was  content  to  yeelde  upon  quar- 
ter ;  and  did  capitulate  with  them  :  But 
mine  Host  (Morton)  no  sooner  had  set  open  the  dore  and 
issued  out:  but  instantly  Captaine  Shrimpe  (Standish),  and 
the  rest  of  the  worties  stepped  to  him,  layd  hold  of  his 
armes ;  and  had  him  downe,  and  so  eagerly  was  every  man 
bent  against  him  (not  regarding  any  agreement  made  with 
such  a  carnall  man)  that  they  fell  upon  him,  as  if  they  would 
have  eaten  him : 

"Captaine  Shrimpe  (Standish)  and  the  rest  of  the  nine  wor- 
thies, made  themselves  (by  this  outragious  riot)  Masters  of 
mine  Hoste  (Morton)  of  Ma-re  Mount,  and  disposed  of  what 
hee  had  at  his  plantation."  1 

So  much  for  Mr.  Thomas  Morton's  account  of  this  "  out- 
ragious riot " ;  now  let  us  see  what  Captain  Standish  had  to 
say  of  'the  affair  : — 

"  So  they  resolved  to  take  Morton  by  force.  The  which 
accordingly  was  done  ;  but  they  found  him  to  stand  stifly  in 
his  defence,  having  made  fast  his  dors,  armed  his  consorts, 
set  diverse  dishes  of  powder  &  bullets  ready  on  ye  table ; 
and  if  they  had  not  been  over  armed  with  drinke,  more  hurt 
might  have  been  done.  They  soinaned  him  to  yeeld,  but  he 
kept  his  house,  and  they  could  gett  nothing  but  scofes  & 
scorns  from  him ;  but  at  length,  fearing  they  would  doe  some 
violence  to  ye  house,  he  and  some  of  his  crue  came  out,  but 
not  to  yeelcl,  but  to  shoote ;  but  they  were  so  steeld  with 
drinke  as  their  peeces  were  too  heavie  for  them ;  him  selfe 
with  a  carbine  (over  charged  &  allmost  halfe  fild  with  pow- 

1  New  English  Canaan,  p.  93. 


34 

der  &  shote,  as  was  after  found)  had  thought  to  have  shot 
Captaine  Standish  ;  but  he  stept  to  him,  &  put  by  his  peece, 
&  tooke  him.  Neither  was  ther  any  hurte  done  to  any  of 
either  side,  save  y*  one  was  so  drunke  y*  he  rane  his  own  nose 
upon  ye  pointe  of  a  sword  y1  one  held  before  him  as  he  entred 
ye  house  ;  but  he  lost  but  a  litle  of  his  hott  blood."  1 

Whichever  of  these  widely  divergent  accounts  is  the  more 
correct,  upon  one  point  they  both  concur,  and  that  is,  after 
all,  the  vital  point,  that  Morton  was  arrested,  carried  to  Plym- 
outh and  presently  sent  to  England ;  while  the  Wollaston 
settlement  was  practically  broken  up,  the  liquor  nuisance 
abated  and  the  trade  in  fire  arms  and  ammunition  stopped. 
Peace  and  security  were  thus  once  more  restored  to  Wes- 
sagusset,  through  the  agency  of  Miles  Standish.  Nor  were 
these  blessings  won  at  any  unreasonable  price,  as  the  whole 
cost  of  the  expedition  was  computed  at  £12  7s.,  of  which 
sum  £2  was  assessed  on  the  settlers  at  Wessagusset,  and 
£2  10s.  on  the  Plymouth  colony.2 

The  destruction  of  the  May-pole  at  Merry  Mount  took  place 
in  the  early  days  of  June,  1628,  and  just  two  years  later 
Governor  Winthrop  arrived  in  Boston  harbor  and  the  con- 
secutive annals  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  began.  It  is  yet 

i  Bradford,  p.  241. 

-  This  apportionment  is  derived  from  Governor  Bradford's  Letter-Book.  Seel.  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  (v.  3,  p.  63.)  In  his  history  (p.  241)  he  speaks  of  "  Weesagascusett"  as 
being  one  of  the  plantations  concerned,  but  the  apportionment  is  made  as  "  From  Mr. 
Jeffrey  and  Mr.  Burslem."  These  names  have  given  the  antiquarians  a  great  deal  of 
trouble,  and  they  have  generally  assigned  them  to  Cape  Ann;  Savage's  Winthrop  (v.  1, 
p.  44,  n.) ;  Young's  Chron.  of  Mass.  (p.  171,  n.),  or  even  to  the  Isle  of  Shoals ;  Drake's 
Boston  (p.  50).  They  all  confound  William  Jefleries  of  Weymouth  with  Thomas 
Jeffrey  of  Ipswich.  Dr.  Young  does  this  in  a  most  extraordinary  manner,  confusing 
them  even  while  giving  the  correct  name  of  one  in  his  text,  and  of  the  other  in  the 
running  title  of  the  same  page.  Chron.  of  Mass.  (p.  171).  When  Savage  prepared 
his  notes  to  Winthrop  the  MS.  of  Bradford  had  not  been  recovered,  and  he  had  not 
examined  the  New  English  Canaan  carefully  in  reference  to  Weymouth.  He  seems 
to  have  been  satisfied  that  the  second  settlement  at  Weymouth  had  been  wholly 
broken  up  in  1624,  Notes  to  Winthrop,  (pp.  43,  93),  and  sought  to  place  Jeffrey  and 
Burslem  elsewhere.  There  cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt  that  they  lived  at  Wessagus- 
set from  before  1628.  Both  names  are  now  extinct  at  Weymouth,  though  I  find  in 
the  Records  of  the  town  a  Jeffery  in  16.51  (see  p.  70),  and  also  a  mention  of  one  John 
Jeffcrs  (Aug.  18,  1777),  as  a  soldier  who  enlisted  in  Arnold's  Canada  campaign  during 
the  Revolution.  Both  were  made  freemen  at  early  dates : — Burslem  was  a  deputy 
from  the  town  in  1636,  and  it  was  to  Jefferies  that  Morton  wrote  as  to  his  "good  gos- 
sip," in  1634.  It  was  to  him  and  to  Blackstone  that  John  Gorges  wrote  in  1629  in 
regard  to  putting  Oldharn  in  possession  of  the  Gorges  grant.  Young's  Chron.  of  Mass. 
(pp.  51,  147,  169.) 


35 

another  two  years,  however,  before  we  again  meet  with  a 
mention  of  Weymouth,  still  under  its  Indian  name.  In 
August,  1632,  Governor  Winthrop,  in  company  with  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Wilson  and  other  notables,  took  ship  at  Boston  and 
landed  at  Wessagusset ;  and  thence  the  succeeding  day  the 
distinguished  party  started  on  foot  for  Plymouth,  completing 
their  journey  by  night.  Six  days  later,  on  the  31st  of  the 
same  month,  they  returned ;  leaving  Plymouth  at  five  in  the 
morning  and  reaching  Wessagusset  in  the  evening,  where  they 
passed  the  night,  and  finished  their  journey  next  morning  by 
water.1  We  have  Governor  Winthrop's  authority  for  the 
assertion  that,  both  going  and  returning,  they  were  here  most 
hospitably  feasted  on  the  turkeys,  geese  and  ducks  of  the 
neighborhood.2  Two  years  later  again  Wessagusset  was 
summoned  by  the  General  Court  to  assume  charge  of  one 
of  its  pauper  inhabitants,  who  had  seen  fit  to  fall  ill  at  Dor- 
chester;3 and  in  1635  the  Court  established  a  commission  to 
fix  the  boundary  line  between  what  are  now  Braiutree  and 
Weymouth, — then  Mt.  Wollaston  and  Wessagusset.  Thus 
through  eleven  years,  from  1624  to  1635,  the  early  settlers 
of  Weymouth  only  occasionally  emerge  from  the  oblivion 
of  the  past  and  are  dimly  shadowed  on  the  mirror  of  New 
England  history.  But  now,  at  last,  in  the  year  1635,  Wes- 
sagusset was  by  the  order  of  the  General  Court  made  a 
plantation  under  the  name  of  Weymouth,  and  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Hull,  with  twenty-one  families  from  England,  were  allowed  to 
establish  themselves  here.4  Why  the  name  of  Weymouth  was 
adopted  I  do  not  find  recorded  :  it  may  well  have  been  that  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Hull  and  his  party  came  from  that  place  in  the  old 
country,  but  there  does  not  appear  to  be  any  ground  for 
asserting  such  to  have  been  the  fact.5  With  Mr.  Hull,  how- 
ever, began  the  long  succession  of  clergymen  who  ministered 

1  Savage's  Winthrop,  v.  1,  p.  192. 

2  In  1633  Wessagusset  was  thus  described :  "  This  as  yet  is  but  a  small  village ;  yet 
it  is  very  pleasant,  and  healthful,  very  good  ground,  and  is  well  timbered,  and  hath 
good  store  of  hay-ground.    It  hath  a  very  spacious  harbour  for  shipping  before 
the  town,  the  salt  water  being  navigable  for  boats  and  pinnaces  two  leagues.    Here 
the  inhabitants  have  good  store  of  fish  of  all  sorts,  and  swine,  having  acorns  and 
clams  at  the  time  of  year.    Here  is  likewise  an  ale-wife  river."  Wood's  Neic-Englands 
Prospect ;  Young's  Chron.  of  Mass.  (p.  394) . 

3  This  man  is  mentioned  as  "  late  servant  of  John  Burslyn."    Records  of  Mass. 
(p.  121.) 

4  Savage's  Winthrop,  v.  1,  p.  163.    Records  of  Mass.  pp.  156-7. 

5  Proceedings  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  1873,  p.  396. 


36 

to  the  old  first  parish,  of  whom  the  present  incumbent  is  the 
thirteenth.  In  the  earlier  days  of  New  England  the  pastor- 
ates marked  epochs  in  the  history  of  the  towns,  much  as  do 
the  reigns  of  kings  and  queens  in  European  annals.  Nor 
indeed  were  certain  of  the  Weymouth  pastorates  brief  in  point 
of  time,  for  two  of  thetn  covered  the  long  period  of  one 
entire  century. 

To  return,  however,  to  the  political  history  of  the  town ;  in 
the  same  year  (1635)  in  which  it  was  created  a  plantation, 
Weymouth  was  also  authorized  to  send  a  deputy  to  the 
General  Court.  The  next  year  three  deputies  made  their 
appearance  instead  of  one ;  but,  considering  the  size  of  the 
place  they  represented,  the  delegation  with  becoming 
modesty  requested  that  two  of  their  number  might  be  dis- 
missed, and  accordingly  Messrs.  Bursley  and  Upham  received 
leave  to  withdraw.1  From  that  time  forward,  through  a  space 
of  one  hundred  and  thirty  years,  the  political  history  of  Wey- 
mouth moved  uneventfully  along, — a  portion  of  that  of  the 
Province, — rendered  noticeable  only  by  some  question  of 
boundaries,  or  by  fines  imposed  on  account  of  the  badness 
of  highways  or  the  insufficiency  of  the  watch-house  or  careless- 
ness in  checking  the  roving  propensities  of  swine,  or  by  the 
division  of  a  whale  found  stranded  on  its  shore,  or  some  other 
equally  trifling  incident  of  municipal  government.  The  tax- 
collector  made  his  annual  visits,  and  his  records  seem  to 
show  that,  as  compared  with  others,  the  town  during  its 
earlier  years  was  neither  populous  nor  wealthy.  Its  propor- 
tion was  in  the  neighborhood  of  one-fiftieth  part  of  the  whole 
amount  levied  on  the  colony,  ranging  from  £4  to  £10  each 
year ;  but  in  1637  came  the  Pequod  War,  and  during  that 
year  Weymouth  was  assessed  for  £27  in  a  total  levy  of 
£1,500.  The  town  could  not  even  then  be  said  to  rank  high 
on  the  assessors'  books,  being  thirteenth  in  a  list  of  fourteen. 
As  respects  population  during  the  first  half  century  of  the 
existence  of  Weymouth,  there  is  small  material  on  which  to 
form  an  estimate.  In  1637  a  levy  of  one  hundred  and  sixty 
men  was  made  to  carry  on  the  Pequod  War ;  of  these  Wey- 
mouth furnished  five  as  her  contingent.  Under  the  system 
of  computation  adopted  by  the  highest  authority2  this  would 

1  Records  of  Mass.  v.  1,  p.  179.  »  Palfrey,  v.  2,  p.  5. 


37 

indicate  a  total  of  about  five  hundred  souls,  which  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  was  not  far  from  the  true  number.  During 
the  next  century  and  a  quarter  the  increase  was  very  slow, 
so  that  in  1776  the  population  but  little  exceeded  1,400;* 
indeed,  it  may  be  said  that  during  the  century  and  a  half 
which  succeeded  the  Pequod  War  the  increase  of  the  town  in 
numbers  scarcely  exceeded  one-half  of  one  per  cent  a  year. 
To  the  Weymouth  of  to-day, — with  its  population  of  10,000 
souls, — 1,400,  and  much  less  500,  seems  a  somewhat  sparse 
settlement.  It  did  not  so  impress  the  first  inhabitants.  On 
the  contrary,  in  1642  the  townspeople  of  those  days  thought 
themselves  so  numerous  as  to  render  expedient  the  removal  of 
a  portion  of  their  number  to  a  new  settlement.  This  was 
accordingly  determined  on,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Newman,  the 
clergyman  of  the  time,  to  prevent  all  dispute,  offered  either 
to  go  or  to  remain  as  his  parishioners  should  decide.  A  vote 
was  taken,  which  resulted  in  favor  of  the  removing  party ; 
with  them,  therefore,  he  cast  in  his  lot  at  the  place  selected 
for  their  settlement,  to  which  the  pastor  gave  the  name  of 
Rehoboth,  which  it  still  bears.  In  later  years  other  and 
larger  migrations  took  place,  first  to  Easton  and  subsequently 
to  Abington,  thus  accounting  for  the  slow  movement  of  popu- 
lation in  the  mother  town,  which,  indeed,  between  1740  and 
1780  rather  tended  to  diminish  than  to  increase.  This  con- 
dition1 of  affairs,  however,  in  no  way  disturbed  the  inhabitants. 
On  the  contrary,  four  years  after  the  Rehoboth  secession,  the 
town  records  under  the  date  of  April  6,  1646,  contain  this 
singular  entry,  with  the  significant  words  " Stand  "Good," 
written  against  it  in  the  margin  : — 

"Whereas  we  find  by  sad  experience  the  great  inconvenience 
that  many  times  it  comes  to  pass  by  the  permitting  of  strangers 
to  come  into  the  plantation  pretending  only  to  sojourn  for  a 

1  See  the  sketch  of  the  town  of  Weymouth,  written  by  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts,  and 
printed  in  1785  in  Topographical  Descriptions  of  the  Towns  in  the  County  of  Suffolk, 
and  of  Charlestoicn  in  the  County  of  Middlesex.  A  manuscript  copy  of  this  sketch 
was  very  kindly  placed  at  my  disposal  in  the  preparation  of  this  address  by  J.  J. 
Loud,  Esq.,  of  Weymouth,  with  other  material  for  a  history  of  Weymouth,  which 
it  is  to  be  regretted  Mr.  Loud  does  not  himself  propose  to  prepare.  A  copy  of 
the  compilation  of  which  Cotton  Tufts'  sketch  was  a  part  is  in  the  library  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  bound  with  other  documents  under  the  title  of 
"  Gookin  and  Geography." 

433019 


38 

season,  but  afterwards  they  have  continued  a  while  account 
themselves  inhabitants  with  us,  and  so  challeng  to  them- 
selves all  such  priviledges  and  immunity s  as  others  do  enjoy, 
who  notwithstanding  are  of  little  use  to  advance  the  public 
good,  but  rather  many  times  are  troublesome  and  prove  a 
burden  to  the  plantation,  the  premises  considered,  together 
with  the  straightness  of  the  place,  the  number  of  the  people, 
and  the  smallness  of  the  trade  we  yet  have  amongst  us,  we 
the  townsmen  whose  names  are  subscribed  for  the  prevention 
of  this  and  the  like  inconveneucys,  have  thought  good  to 
present  to  consideration  the  insuing  order  to  be  voted  by  the 
whole  Towne  to  stand  in  force  as  long  as  they  in  wisdome 
shall  see  just  cause. 

"  First  that  no  inhabitant  within  this  plantation  shall  pre- 
sume to  take  into  his  house  as  an  inmate,  or  servant,  any  per- 
son or  persons,  unless  he  shall  give  sufficient  bonds,  to  defray 
the  plantation  of  what  damage  may  ensue  thereuppon,  or  be 
as  covenant  servant,  and  that  for  one  year  at  the  least  with-' 
out  leave  first  had  and  obtayned  from  the  whole  Towne  at  some 
of  their  public  meetings,  under  the  penalty  of  5  shillings  a 
week  as  long  as  hee  shall  continue  in  the  breach  of  this  order, 
to  be  levied  by  the  constable  or  other  officer,  and  delivered  to 
the  townsmen  for  the  time  being,  to  be  improved  for  the  use 
and  benefit  of  the  towne.  Also  it  is  further  agreed  upon  by 
and  with  the  consent  of  the  whole  town  that  no  person  or 
persons  within  this  plantation  shall  lett  or  sell  any  house,  or 
land,  to  any  person  or  persons  that  is  not  an  inhabitant 
amongst  us,  untill  he  hath  first  made  a  tender  of  it  to  the 
Towne.,  at  a  trayning  or  some  lecture  day  or  other  public 

meeting." 

• 

And  to  show  that  this  was  not  a  mere  empty  threat,  it  is  but 
necessary  to  turn  to  this  other  record  of  thirty-eight  years 
later,  April  30th,  1684  :— 

"  At  a  Meeting  of  the  Selectmen  they  passed  a  warrant  to 
the  Constable  John  Pratt  as  followeth  : — 

"  To  the  Constable  of  Weymouth 

"You  are  hereby  required  in  his  Majesty  s  name  forthwith 
to  distrain  upon  the  Estate  of  Joseph  Poole  to  the  value  of 


39 

five  shillings  which  is  for  the  breach  of  town  order  for  enter- 
taining of  Sarah  Downing  one  week  contrary  to  town  order, 
and  so  from  week  to  week  as  long  as  the  said  Joseph  Poole 
shall  entertaine  the  said  Sarah  Downing.  Dated  Aprill  30th 
1684.  Signed  in  the  name  and  by  the  order  of  the  Select- 
men. SAMUEL  WHITE."  1 

Not  unnaturally,  therefore,  with  continual  migrations  of  its 
people  taking  place,  and  with  the  advent  of  new  population 
sternly  discouraged,  the  growth  of  Weymouth  was  slow. 
Nevertheless,  grow  it  did,  and  it  prospered.  I  have  spoken 
of  the  long  interval  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  years 
between  1640  and  1765,  an  interval  which  includes  one-half 
of  the  entire  history  of  the  town,  as  a  single  period.  As  such 
it  can  best  be  treated,  for  with  Weymouth,  as  with  most 
other  New  England  towns,  it  was  the  time  of  slow  growth, 
the  long  period  of  infancy.  It  was  marked  by  few  events  of 
importance.  In  1676  the  terror  of  King  Philip's  war  swept 
over  Weymouth,  as  it  did  over  all  the  other  outlying  settle- 
ments of  the  colony.  That  was  by  far  the  most  cruel  ordeal 
through  which  Massachusetts  has  ever  passed, — one,  of  the 
deep  agony  of  which  it  is  not  easy  for  us,  removed  from  it 
by  two  hundred  years  of  time,  to  form  even  a  dim  concep- 
tion. I  shall  not  pause  to  dilate  upon  it  here,  though,  in  a 
far  less  degree,  it  is  true,  than  many  of  her  sister  settlements, 
Weymouth  then  tasted  the  horrors  of  savage  warfare. 
Women  were  slaughtered  and  houses  were  burned  within  her 
limits,  and  the  losses  she  sustained  were  sufficiently  severe  to 
induce  the  General  Court  to  allow  the  abatement  of  a  portion 
of  her  tax.  Again  she  was  called  upon  to  furnish  her  con- 
tingent of  soldiers,  who  doubtless  played  their  part  manfully 
enough  at  the  storming  of  Nftrragansett  Fort.2  Indeed,  in 
every  warlike  ordeal  through  which  Massachusetts  has  been 
called  to  pass, — from  the  first  struggle  of  Miles  Standish,  in 
1624,  to  the  great  rebellion,  two  hundred  and  forty  years 
later, — the  ancient  town  may  fairly  claim  that  she  has  con- 
tributed of  her  blood  with  no  stinting  hand. 

1  See,  also,  a  similar  order  of  January  19,  1685. 

•     2  There  were  thirteen  Weymouth  men  in  Captain  Johnson's  company  employed 
against  the  Indians  in  October,  1675.     Vinton  Memorial  (p.  50,  n.) 


40 

But  the  war  of  King  Philip  was  ended,  and  again  Wey- 
mouth  lapsed  into  the  old,  quiet,  steady,  uneventful  life. 
During  the  next  ninety  years  I  doubt  if  anything  more 
momentous  occurred  within  her  limits  than  the  burning  of 
the  town  meeting-house,  in  1751.  That,  however,  was  a 
very  remarkable  year, — one  still  borne  in  painful  recollec- 
tion,— the  saddest  in  the  whole  history  of  Weymouth.  It 
has  indeed  left  its  mark  on  the  records,  Avhere,  under  date  of 
May  21st,  1752  in  the  town  meeting  that  day  held,  it  was — 

"Voted  to  send  no  representative  this  present  year  on 
account  of  the  great  charge  of  building  a  Meeting-house,  and 
the  extraordinary  Sickness  that  has  prevailed  in  the  town  in 
the  year  past." 

The  meeting-house  was  burned  on  the  23d  of  April,  and 
its  destruction  was  impressed  on  the  recollection  of  those 
living  in  the  vicinity  by  a  special  circumstance.  The  fathers 
of  the  town  had  seen  fit  to  utilize  the  loft  over  the  church  as 
a  magazine,  and  in  it  was  stored  the  supply  of  town  powder 
to  the  very  respectable  amount  of  three  barrels.  Naturally, 
at  the  proper  moment,  this  brought  the  conflagration  to  a 
crisis,  making,  as  Parson  Smith,  the  clergyman  of  the  period, 
has  recorded,  "  a  surprising  noise  when  it  blew  up."  The 
event  has  also  been  celebrated  in  contemporaneous  verse  by 
Paul  Torrey,  the  village  Milton  : — 

"  Our  powder  stock,  kept  under  lock, 

AVith  flints  .and  bullets  were, 
By  dismal  blast  soon  swiftly  cast 
Into  the  open  air." 

The  poet  also  intimates  grave  suspicions  as  to  the  origin  of 
the  fire,  and  indeed  hints  at  a  personal  knowledge  of  the 
incendiaries,  suggesting  very  radical  measures  for  their  detec- 
tion and  extirpation  : — 

"  O  range  and  search  in  every  arch, 

And  cellar  round  about ; 
Search  low  and  high,  with  hue  and  cry, 
To  find  those  rebels  out. 

"  I'm  satisfy'd  they  do  reside, 

Some  where  within  the  Town  ; 

Therefore  no  doubt,  you'll  find  them  out,  • 

By  searching  up  and  down. 


41 

"  On  trial  them  we  will  condemn, 

The  sentence  we  will  give ; 
Them  execute  without  dispute, 
Not  being  fit  to  live."  * 

History  does  not  record  any  satisfactory  result  as  attending 
the  poet's  search,  but  in  the  succeeding  year  he  was  tuning 
his  lyre  to  sing  the  dedication  of  a  new  and  more  com- 
modious edifice,  erected  in  place  of  that  which  had  been 
destroyed.  But  the  other  disaster  which  made  memorable 
the  year  1751  was  far  more  terrible  than  the  destruction  of 
any  building  the  work  of  human  hands.  The  year  was 
marked  by  a  veritable  slaughter  of  the  innocents.  Death 
stalked  through  the  town.  Between  May,  1751,  and  May, 
1752,  a  terrible  throat  distemper  so  raged  among  the  chil- 
dren as  to  amount  almost  to  a  pestilence.  In  October,  1751, 
alone,  thirty  died,  and  in  all  there  perished  some  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty.  Out  of  a  population  of  only  twelve  hun- 
dred, no  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons  died  in  the 
town  during  that  twelvemonth.2  During  the  succeeding  year 
the  disease  gradually  disappeared,  and  has  since  been  almost 
unknown  in  Weymouth.  Rarely,  indeed,  however,  even  in 
times  of  plague,  has  the  death-rate  exceeded  that  of  Wey- 
mouth in  1751-2. 

Broken  here  and  there  by  such  episodes  as  these,  the  life  of 
the  little  settlement  flowed  on  in  the  general  even  tenor  of  its 
way  through  the  lives  of  four  generations  of  its  children.  It 
was  an  existence  which  we  now  find  it  difficult  to  picture. 
Living  as  we  do  in  the  hurry  and  bustle  of  the  modern 
worldf — having  the  record  of  human  life  in  both  hemispheres 
daily  spread  before  us, — moving  with  ease  over  two  con- 
tinents— in  the  neighborhood  of  cities  and  libraries  and  gal- 
leries and  theatres, — belonging  to  a  civilization  enriched  with 
all  the  accumulated  wealth  of  centuries, — accustomed  our- 
selves to  large  affairs  and  dealing  in  millions  where  in  the 
olden  time  they  talked  but  of  thousands, — we,  in  the  year 
1874,  can  hardly  stand  here,  and,  looking  around  from  King- 

1  Paul  Torrey's  curious  efforts  at  versification  were  printed  in  1811,  in  the  appen- 
dix to  a  discourse  of  the  Rev.  Jacob  Norton.    The  author  tells  us  that  they  were  de- 
signed "  to  preserve  the  memory  of  these  remarkable  things  to  future  posterity." 

2  Sketch  of  "Weymouth,  by  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts.    The  usual  death-rate  was  sixteen  a 
year. 

6 


42 

Oak  Hill  picture  to  ourselves  the  life  led  in  its  neighbor- 
hood a  century  and  a  half  ago.  To  the  intense  lover  of  nature, 
it  is  true,  Weymouth  probably  then  bore  a  more  attractive 
aspect  than  now  it  does,  for  nature  had  lavished  its  gifts  upon 
it  with  no  sparing  hand.  Eastward  the  green  islands  studded 
the  bay,  round  which  the  sea  sparkled  with  waters  rarely 
vexed  by  the  keel  and  never  beaten  by  the  paddle, — to  the 
north  the  town  of  Boston  was  hidden  from  sight  as  it  nestled 
at  the  feet  of  its  hills, — to  the  west  the  Blue  Hills  loomed  up 
in  their  soft,  misty  beauty  even  as  they  do  to-day,  they  alone 
unchanged, — to  the  south  stretched  away  the  more  level 
forest  laud  in  which  the  beautiful  Weymouth  ponds  lay 
quietly  imbedded  in  their  native  framework  of  virgin  green, 
while  around  their  shores  the  wolf  still  lurked  and  the  swift 
d§er  bounded.  No  long  rows  of  piles  then  broke  the  swift 
tide  as  it  ebbed  and  flowed  in  the  Fore  River, — no  tall  chim- 
neys belched  out  black  smoke  on  the  eastern  limit  of  the 
town, — no  phosphate  factory  at  the  foot  of  the  Great  Hill 
poisoned  the  sweet  native  atmosphere,  but  the  waves  rippled 
on  the  beach,  and  rose  and  fell  amid  the  haunts  of  the  seal 
and  the  sea-fowl,  even  as  they  did  when  Thomas  Morton  of 
Merry  Mount  thus  described  the  land :  "  And  when  I  had 
more  seriously  considered  of  the  bewty  of  the  place,  with  all 
her  faire  indowments,  I  did  not  thinke  that  in  all  the  knowne 
world  it  could  be  paralel'd.  For  so  many  goodly  groues  of 
trees  ;  dainty  fine  round  rising  hillucks  :  delicate  faire  large 
plaines,  sweete  cristall  fountaines,  and  cleare  running  streames, 
that  twine  in  fine  meanders  through  the  meads,  making  so 
sweete  a  murmering  noise  to  heare,  as  would  even  hill  the 
sences  with  delight  a  sleepe,  so  pleasantly  doe,  they  glide 
upon  the  pebble  stones,  jetting  most  jocundly  where  they 
doe  mcotc  ;  and  hand  in  hand  runne  downe  to  Neptunes  Court, 
to  pay  the  yearely  tribute,  which  they  owe  to  him  as  soveraigne 
Lord  of  all  the  springs."1 

During  the  early  days  of  the  settlement  the  township  was 
covered  with  a  natural  growth  of  timber,  in  which  the  oak, 
the  elm,  the  chestnut,  the  ash,  the  pine  and  the  cedar  were 
mingled ;  and  through  many  years  the  town  records  bear 
frequent  trace  of  the  jealous  care  with  which  the  townsmen 

1  New  English  Canaan,  p.  41. 


43 

preserved  this  great  source  of  beauty  and  of  wealth.1  As 
timber,  however,  became  more  valuable  the  forests  were 
encroached  upon,  until  in  the  third  quarter  of  the  last  century 
they  had  been  well  nigh  destroyed.  But,  during  the  earlier 
years,  as  one  stood  on  King-Oak  Hill,  the  whole  broad  pan- 
orama must  have  appeared  an  almost  unbroken  wilderness  of 
wooded  hill  and  dale,  and  azure  sea  and  verdant  shore  ;  while 
here  and  there,  few  and  far  between,  could  have  been  discerned 
the  rude  belfry  of  a  colonial  church;  or  the  long,  brown,  slop- 
ing roof  and  hard  angular  front  of  some  farmer's  house,  sur- 
rounded by  barns  and  buildings  more  unsightly  than  itself, 
protruded  its  ugliness  amidst  the  open  fields  upon  which  the 
cattle  grazed  or  the  ripening  harvest  waved.  Wey mouth  was 
not  settled,  as  were  many  other  towns,  with  a  view  to  village 
life,  while  outlying  farms  stretched  away  to  the  outskirts  of  the 
township, — here  every  free-holder  seems  to  have  dwelt  upon 
his  land.  The  church  and  the  burying  ground  were  the  natural 
centres  of  the  olden  town,  but  no  village  then  or  now  has 
ever  gathered  about  them.  Even  as  late  as  1780  there  were 
but  about  some  two  hundred  houses  in  all  scattered  over  the 
whole  surface  of  Weymouth,  and  these  were  of  the  plainest, 
simplest  sort.2 

The  men  and  women  who  dwelt  in  them  were  in  great 
degree  cut  off  from  the  whole  outer  world  : — at  least  we  would 
think  so  now.  The  roads  were  few  and  bad  ;  the  chief  one, 
still  known  as  Queen  Ann's  turnpike,  is  said  to  have  received 
its  name,  not  from  the  sovereign  of  the  loyal  colonies,  but 
from  the  hostess  of  a  little  "four  corner"  inn  upon  it,  who  was 
always  known  by  that  royal  title.3  Queen  Ann's  turnpike 
was  the  direct  road  between  Boston  and  Plymouth,  but  the 
time  of  which  I  speak  was  long  before  the  stage-coach  era, 
and  the  Weymouth  man,  whom  business  called  to  Boston, 

1  "  Whosoever  shall  presume  to  fell  or  kill  or  top  any  tree  or  trees  (after  publica- 
tion hereof  or  notice  given)  which  growes  before  his  owne  or  his  neighbours  Dore,  or 
that  stands  in  any  place  upon  the  commons  or  highwayes  which  may  be  for  the 
shaddow  either  of  man  or  beast  or  shelter  to  any  house  or  otherwise  for  any  public 
use  every  person  so  offending  shall  he  lyable  to  pay  for  every  such  tree  so  feld,  topt, 
or  kild  20s.  to  the  Town's  use."     Records,  February  1st,  1867. 

2  Sketch  of  Weymouth,  by  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts. 

3  This  and  some  other  facts  I  state  on  the  authority  of  Mrs.  Maria  W.  Chapman, 
of  Weymouth,  who  very  kindly  furnished  me  with  much  local  information  which  has 
not  heretofore  found  its  way  into  print. 


44 

went  by  water,  or  drove  or  walked  there  over  Milton  Hill 
and  Roxbury  Neck.  Nor  was  that  journey  to  Boston  then 
devoid  of  danger.  Early  in  the  last  century,  for  instance, 
it  is  traditionally  stated  that  a  party,  including  two  of  the 
principal  citizens  of  Weymouth,  while  returning  by  water 
home  from  Boston,  were  overtaken  by  a  snow-storm  and 
wrecked  on  one  of  the  islands  in  the  bay ;  all  perished,  it  is 
said,  save  Captain  Alexander  Nash  and  a  negro  servant, 
through  whose  devotion  his  life  was  saved.1  If  the  tradition 
be  true  it  should  be  added  that  Captain  Nash's  descendants  in 
the  present  century  have  repaid  the  debt  due  to  their  ances- 
tors' slave  by  long  and  eminent  services  in  the  emancipation  of 
his  race.  But  the  story  at  least  illustrates  the  distance  then 
existing  between  Boston  and  Weymouth, * — a  distance  greater 
for  every  practical  purpose  than  that  now  existing  between 
Weymouth  and  New  York. 

Between  Old  Spain  and  Quincy  Point,  or  Wessagusset  and 
Mount  Wollaston  as  they  then  were  called,  a  ferry  was 
authorized  as  earlv  as  1635,  and  the  rate  of  ferriage  was  fixed 

v  O 

at  a  penny  for  each  person  and  at  threepence  for  each  horse ; 
two  years  later  this  rate  was  raised  and  the  ferryman  of  the 
day  was  licensed  to  keep  a  house  of  call.  But  so  far  as  the 
whole  great  outer  world  was  concerned,  the  earlier  dwellers 
in  Weymouth  were,  through  four  generations,  what  we  should 
consider  as  entombed  alive.  There  was  no  newspaper, — 
there  was  no  system  of  public  transportation, — there  was  no 
regular  post, — between  the  colonies  themselves  there  was 
little  occasion  for  intercourse,  and  Europe  was  months  re- 
moved. Those  freemen  who  were  elected  deputies  attended 
the  sessions  of  the  General  Court ;  and  now  and  then  the 
clergyman  or  the  magistrate  took  part  in  some  solemn  con- 
clave of  his  brethren  at  the  capital  or  in  a  neighboring 
town.  Of  the  young  men,  a  few  went  with  the  fishing  fleet 
to  Cape  Sables,  or  sailed  on  trading  voyages  to  the  West 
Indies  or  to  Spain,  thus  catching  glimpses  of  the  outer  world  ; 
but  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether  any  Weymouth-born 
woman  ever  laid  eyes  on  the  shores  of  the  mother  country 

1  Mrs.  Chapman's  MS. ;  and  sec  Savage's  Winthrop,  v.  1,  p.  286. 
"  "The  distance  by  land  from  Boston  to  the  confines  of  the  town  is  14  miles." 
Sketch  by  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts. 


45 

during  the  first  hundred  and  sixty  years  of  the  settlement  of 
the  town. 

The  men  and  women  of  those  five  generations  were  a  poor, 
hard-working,  sombre  race, — rising  early  and  working  late, — 
laboriously  earning  their  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brows. 
There  were  no  labor  reformers  then.  The  men  worked  in  the 
fields,  the  women  in  the  house  :  the  first  tended  the  flocks,  or 
planted  and  gathered  the  harvest ; — the  last  busied  themselves 
in  the  dairy  and  the  kitchen,  or  at  the  spinning-wheel  and  the 
wash-tub.  It  is  a  tradition  of  the  daughter  of  Parson  Smith 
that  with  her  own  hands  she  scrubbed  the  floor  of  her  bed- 
room the  afternoon  before  her  eldest  son,  John  Quincy 
Adams,  was  born.  There  was  no  nonsense  at  least  about 
that  people  ;  every  one  had  work  to  do,  and  no  one,  gentle  or 
simple,  was  above  his  work. 

For  years  there  was  a  single  school  in  the  town,  and  the 
teacher  was  annually  engaged  by  a  vote  in  the  town-meeting.1 
Subsequently  his  teaching  was  divided,  the  north  precinct 
receiving  eight  months  of  his  time  and  the  south  four ;  but 
this  arrangement  not  proving  satisfactory,  the  money  raised 
for  support  of  schools  was  finally  divided  between  the  pre- 
cincts in  proportion  to  their  tax,  and  they  were  left  to  apply 


1 "  At  a  Generall  Town  Meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  Weymouth  the  24th  of  June, 
1689." 

"  The  Town  past  a  vote  that  "William  Chard  is  to  serve  as  Town  Clerk." 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  Selectmen  upon  the  first  day  of  July  1689  Agreed  with  Mr. 
Chard  to  Ring  the  Bell  &  Sweep  the  Meeting-house  to  begin  the  6th  daye  of  July, 
and  for  the  time  that  he  performs  that  work  he  is  to  have  after  the  rate  of  forty  shill- 
ings a  year  in  money  or  three  pounds  in  town  pay." 

"  At  a  Meeting  of  the  freeholders  of  the  town  of  Weymouth  the  13th  day  of  July 
1694." 

"  The  Towne  past  a  vote  they  will  have  a  publique  School-master." 

"  At  a  meeting  legally  warned  for  the  Inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Weymouth  upon 
the  first  of  October  1694  to  treat  concerning  a  School-master,  and  it  was  voted  that 
Mr.  Chard  should  serve  as  School-master  from  the  date  abovesaid  till  the  last  of 
March  next  ensuing  the  date  hereof,  &  provided  Mr.  Chard  doe  faithfully  perform 
the  office  of  School-master,  that  is  to  teach  &  instruct  all  children  &  youth  belong- 
ing to  the  town  in  reading  &  writing  &  casting  of  accounts  according  to  the 
capacitie  of  those  that  are  sent  to  him,  and  according  to  his  own  abillitie :  under  this 
consideration  the  town  have  past  a  vote  upon  the  aforesaid  first  of  October  that  Mr. 
Chard  shall  have  for  his  sallary  for  the  half  year  above  expressed  six  pounds  in  or  as 
money  to  be  levied  upon  the  severall  Inhabitants  according  to  proportion  by  a  town 
rate." 

The  next  year  (1695) ,  William  Chard  was  again  engaged  at  five  shillings  a  week, 
but  in  1696  an  arrangement  was  made  with  Mr.  John  Copp  at  £30  a  year.  The  salary 
of  the  pastor  at  this  time  was  "  £108  16s.  in  goods  alias  money  £68"  (about  §225). 


46 

it  each  in  its  own  way.  But  for  us  it  is  most  curious  to  see 
through  all  these  years  how  small  were  the  expenses  of  the 
town  and  how  large  a  proportion  of  the  annual  tax  was 
applied  to  education.  In  the  last  century,  before  the  War  of 
Independence  destroyed  all  measure  of  value,  £120  ($420) 
of  the  old  tenor,  so  called,  was  the  average  annual  levy,  and 
of  this  five-sixths  went  to  the  support  of  the  schools.  Ex- 
penditures on  other  accounts  were  necessarily  very  small. 
Until  the  year  1760  the  highways  were  repaired  by  the  labor  of 
the  people  of  the  town,  who,  for  this  purpose,  appear  to  have 
been  equally  assessed.  As,  however,  the  disparity  in  wealth 
became  greater  and  this  burden  heavier,  the  system  was 
changed,  and  in  1760  every  person  paying  a  poll-tax  was 
called  on  for  a  day's  labor,  which  was  assessed  at  2s.  Id.  (35 
cents),  and  those  who  also  paid  property  taxes  were  further 
called  on  for  as  many  additional  day's  labor  as  2s.  Id.  were 
contained  in  the  amount  of  their  property  tax.1  The  sparsely 
settled  character  of  the  town  obviated  all  necessity  of  a  fire 
department,  though  an  entry  in  the  records  as  early  as  1651 
gives  a  curious  glimpse  into  the  habits  and  dangers  of  a  com- 
munity before  the  blessed  invention  of  lucifer  matches.  An 
order  was  then  made  by  the  selectmen,  in  consideration  of 
"the  great  loss  and  damage  that  many  &  many  a  time  doth 
fall  out  in  this  Towne  by  fire  ",  and  because  "  no  effort  has  been 
made  to  restrayne  the  carringe  abroad  of  fiery  sticks  . 
in  mens  hands,  which  is  exceeding  dangerous  especially  when 
the  wind  is  high," — in  view  of  these  facts  the  town  fathers, 
under  a  penalty  of  twenty  shillings  for  each  offence,  proceeded 
to  forbid  any  one  between  March  and  November  from  trans- 
porting "  any  fire  from  one  place  to  another  than  in  a  pot  or 
other  vessell  fit  for  such  a  purpose  and  close  covered."2  Until 
the  present  century,  however,  this  ordinance  seems  to  have 
been  regarded  as  sufficient  protection  against  the  dangers  of 
conflagration,  thus  cutting  off  that  heavy  item  of  modern 
town  expenses ;  while,  so  far  as  salaries  were  concerned, 
volumes  are  contained  in  the  following  clause  with  which  the 
vote  of  1651,  defining  the  duties  and  powers  of  the  selectmen, 
closed  ; — "Sixthly — Wee  willingly  grant  they  shall  have  their 

1  Records  :  10th  March,  1760.    John  Adams'  Works,  vol.  2,  p.  118. 

2  Records,  p.  56. 


47 

Dynners  uppon  the  Towne's  charge  when  they  meet  about  the 
Towns  affayres."1 

The  town  government  of  those  days  was,  indeed,  the  sim- 
plest government  conceivable.  There  were  the  clergyman, 
for  parish  and  town  were  one,  the  school-master,  the  select- 
men, the  deputy,  the  constable  and  the  pound-keeper.  In 
the  earliest  days  it  was  even  simpler  yet  than  this,  for  fre- 
quent meetings  of  the  whole  town  were  called.  But  even 
then  it  was  speedily  found  that  this  led  to  abuses,2  and,  in 
1651,  a  system  of  two  regular  town  meetings  in  each  year 
was  adopted,  and  the  powers  of  the  selectmen  were  specifi- 
cally defined.3  The  continuous  record  of  these  meetings 
through  more  than  a  century,  at  once  reveals  the  slow,  un- 
conscious growth  of  a  great  political  system,  and  supplies  the 
amplest  evidence  of  the  sameness  of  a  colonial  village  life. 
To  the  student  in  the  science  of  government  these  volumes  of 
the  Weymouth  town  records  are  replete  with  interest.  In 
them  the  growth  of  a  system  from  the  root  up  may  be  studied. 
As  an  observing  man  turns  over  the  ill-spelt,  almost  illegi- 
ble pages,  they  grow  luminous  in  their  bearing  on  many  of 
the  most  distressing  problems  of  the  age.  As  Gibbon,  from 
an  experience  among  the  yeoman  militia  of  England,  derived 

1  Records :  26th  November,  1651. 

2  The  "  rautifariousness  "  of  such  meetings  "  occacions  the  neglect  of  appearance  of 
many  whereby  things  [are]  many  times  carried  on  by  a  few  in  which  many  or  all  are 
concerned  which  often  makes  the  legality  of  such  proceedings  to  be  questioned,"  it 
was  therefore  voted  to  thereafter  have  two  regular  town  meeting  in  each  year  in 
March  and  November.    Records,  1650  (p.  56). 

a  "  At  a  meeting  of  the  Town  the  26th  of  the  9th  mo*"  (November)  1651. 

"  The  power  that  the  Towne  of  Weymouth  committeth  into  the  hands  of  the  Select- 
men for  this  present  year  ensueing  1651. 

"  First.  Wee  give  them  power  to  make  such  orders  as  may  be  for  the  preservation 
of  our  intrests  in  lands  &  come  &  grass  &  Wood  &  Timber,  that  none  be  trans- 
ported out  of  the  Towns  Commons. 

"  Secondly.  They  shall  have  power  to  see  that  all  orders  made  by  the  Generall 
Court  shall  be  observed  and  also  all  such  orders  that  are  or  shal  be  made  which  the 
Towne  shall  not  repeale  at  their  meetinge  in  the  first  month. 

"  Thirdly.  It  shal  be  lawful  for  them  to  take  course  that  dry  Cattle  be  hearded  in 
the  woods  except  calves  &  Yearlings  &  that  they  provide  Bulls  both  for  the  Cowcs  & 
dry  Cattle. 

"Fourthly.  They  may  issue  out  all  such  rates  as  the  Towns  occasions  shall 
require  &  see  that  they  be  gathred,  that  a  due  account  may  be  given  of  them. 

"  Fifthly.  They  may  satisfy  all  graunts  provided  they  satisfy  them  in  due  order, 
and  not  within  two  miles  of  the  Meeting-house. 

"  Sixthly.  Wee  willingly  grant  they  shall  have  their  Dynners  uppon  the  Towns 
charge  when  they  meete  about  the  Towns  afiayres." — Records. 


48 

a  certain  comprehension  of  the  legionaries  of  Rome, — so  the 
early  records  of  the  New  England  towns  make  it  most 
manifest  to  us  why  the  horrors  of  1793,  and  the  later  ex- 
cesses of  the  Commune,  are  possible  in  France,  and  why  noth- 
ing other  than  a  republic  is  now  possible  in  New  England. 
In  these  records  we  see  parliamentary  institutions  stripped  of 
their  non-essentials  and  reduced  to  first  principles ; — we  see 
that  the  New  England  town-meeting  democracy  was  the  purest 
and  simplest  government  of  the  people,  for  the  people,  which 
the  world  has  yet  produced.  Here  is  a  perfect  equality,  con- 
trolled by  an  almost  iron  law  of  usage.  Year  after  year  every 
question  of  common  concernment  is  settled  in  general  town- 
meeting  by  a  vote  of  the  majority,  after  a  free  and  full  dis- 
cussion, conducted  in  perfect  deference  to  a  rude  parliamen- 
tary law.  The  greater  number  rules,  but  the  minority  ever 
asserts  its  rights,  which  are  always  freely  conceded.  The  pro- 
tests of  the  contra  dicentes  make  a  part  of  the  records  ;  the  final 
appeal  is  made  to  the  courts  of  law ;  the  idea  of  an  ultimate 
resort  to  force  is  never  even  suggested,  much  less  discussed. 
Thus,  through  our  town  records,  we  are  made  to  realize  that 
republican  government  is  in  New  England  a  product  of  the  soil 
and  not  an  exotic, — in  France  it  is  a  graft,  with  us  it  is  the  stem. 
The  growth  of  this  germ  from  the  town-meeting  to  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  from  the  General  Court  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
and  from  that  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and 
thence  back  to  the  great  cardinal  fact  of  force, — all  this  is  for 
others  to  trace.  Meanwhile,  here  to-day,  we  stand  on  a  rec- 
ord of  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  pure  democracy, — the 
deep,  underlying  tap-root  of  whatever  is  good  in  America. 
And  indeed  that  record  relates  not  to  great  things.  It  tells 
us  of  the  daily  life  of  our  fathers.  It  deals  not  with  theories, 
but  with  practical  issues.  The  earlier  generations  did  not 
realize  that  they  were  evolving  a  system,  when  they  made 
regulations  for  the  preservation  of  the  town  timber  and  the 
use  of  its  common  grounds  ;  to  check  the  roving  propensities 
of  its  hogs,  and  to  prescribe  the  liberty  of  the  rams  or  the 
number  of  the  parish  bulls.  Yet  such  was  the  fact,  and  the 
whole  developed  system  of  our  National  Government  of  to- 
day may  be  read  in  little  in  the  Weyuiouth  town  records  of 
over  a  century  past.  To-day's  jealousy  of  the  foreign  pro- 


49 

ducer  is  there  evinced  towards  those  inhabiting  the  neighbor- 
ing towns, — they  must  not  partake  of  the  privileges  of  Wey- 
mouth.  The  protective  system  began  with  the  beginning. 
In  the  earlier  days  bounties  are  offered  for  the  ears  of 
wolves,  but  later,  as  the  wilderness  is  subdued,  these 
are  dropped  from  the  record  and  the  crow  and  the  black- 
bird are  proscribed  in  their  place.  Now  and  again  we 
find  the  town  entering  on  some  system  of  encouragement 
to  a  new  branch  of  industry,  making  a  grant  of  land  there- 
for ; 1  but  the  herring  fishery  and  the  passage  of  the  ale- 
wives  into  Great  Pond  have  left,  perhaps,  the  deepest  mark 
on  the  town  records.  The  annual  passage  of  the  fish  up  the 
Back  River  was  an  event  in  the  life  of  Weymouth,  exciting 
the  liveliest  interest  in  old  and  young.  For  this  really  great 
boon  the  town  was  indebted  to  Adam  Gushing,  one  of  its 
prominent  citizens  in  the  provincial  times.  Mr.  Gushing 
died  in  the  year  of  the  great  sickness,  1751,  and  seems  to 
have  been  a  truly  remarkable  man.  About  1730  he  bethought 
himself  of  bringing  some  herring,  during  the  spawning  sea- 
son, over  from  Taunton  River  to  the  Great  Pond.  He  did 
so,  himself  superintending  the  work  of  transportation,  and 
seeing  to  it  that  fresh  water  was  properly  supplied  to  the  fish. 
It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  through  him  Weymouth  may 
claim  «a  place  of  one  hundred  and  forty  years'  standing  in  the 
interesting  history  of  pisciculture  in  Massachusetts.2 

These  records  also  reveal  to  us  very  clearly  what  a  singu- 
larly conservative  race  our  ancestors  were, — in  this  respect 

1  March  7,  1698.  "  Voted  that  John  Torrey,  Tanner,  for  the  encouragement  of  his 
trade  shall  have  twelve  pole  of  land  joining  to  his  fathers  land  out  of  the  towns  com- 
mons for  a  tanyard  so  long  as  there  shall  be  use  for  it  for  that  trade  in  this  Town." 

March  7th,  1715.  "  At  the  said  Meeting  John  Torrey,  James  Humphrey,  Joseph 
Torrey,  Ezra  Wfcitmarsh,  Enoch  Lovell,  Ebenezer  Pratt  &  divers  others  their  partners 
who  had  agreed  to  begin  a  fishing  trade  to  Cape-sables,  requested  of  the  town  that 
they  might  have  that  piece  or  parcel  of  land  at  the  mouth  of  the  fore  river  in  the 
northerly  part  of  Weymouth  called  and  known  by  the  name  of  Hunts  Hill  and  the 
low  land  and  Beach  adjoining  thereunto,  that  is  so  much  as  they  shall  need  for  the 
management  of  said  fishing  trade.  The  Town  after  consideration  thereof  Voted  that 
they  should  have  the  said  land  and  Beach  to  manage  their  fishing  trade." 

March  13,  1727.  "  Voted  at  the  aforesaid  meeting  whether  the  Town  will  give  to 
Doctor  White  five  acres  of  Land  below  Hill  that  was  formerly  granted  to  John 

Vinson  provided  the  said  Doctor  White  continues  in  the  town  of  Weymouth  and  in 
practice  of  physick,  &  in  case  he  shall  remove  out  of  town  said  White  to  purchase 
said  land  or  to  return  it  to  the  Town  again.  It  passed  in  the  affirmative." 

3  Mrs.  Chapman's  MS.    And  see  Records,  1st  March,  1731. 
7 


50 

how  different  from  their  children.  They  clung  very  close  to 
authority,  to  tradition  and  to  precedent.  The  conditions  by 
which  they  were  surrounded  changed  but  slowly,  and  they 
themselves  changed  more  slowly  yet.  What  volumes,  for 
instance,  in  this  respect,  are  contained  in  this  single  fact : — in 
1651  the  town,  in  six  brief  articles,  defined  the  powers  of  its 
selectmen,  and  more  than  sixty  years  later,  in  1712, 1  find  the 
following  entry  in  the  records :  "  Voted  the  Selectmen 
the  same  power  they  had  granted  in  the  year  1651. "J 
Again,  to  cite  another  example :  Weymouth  then,  as  now, 
had  among  its  citizens  a  James  Humphrey,  and,  under' 
date  of  March  12th,  1781,  I  find  this  entry:  "Voted— 
That  the  thanks  of  the  Town  be  given  to  the  Houble  James 
Humphrey  Esqr.  for  his  faithful  services  as  a  selectman 
in  the  Town  for  more  than  forty  years  past."  Unlike 
so  many  of  her  sister  towns,  the  Weymouth  of  to-day 
has  never,  even  yet,  learned  enough  of  the  science  of  true 
republican  government  to  "rotate  "  its  town  officials.  When 
they  have  had  a  man  who  was  willing  to  serve  them  well  and 
faithfully,  they  have  actually  kept  him  in  office.  The  James 
Humphrey  of  the  last  century  served  the  town  "  over  forty 
years " ;  the  James  Humphrey  of  this  has  already  served  it 
nearly  twenty-five. 

I  do  not  know  if  it  indeed  was  so,  but  to  me  the  very 
nature  of  the  New  England  world  seems  to  have  been  less 
cheerful  in  those  earlier  days  than  now.  Not  only  was  life 
less  joyous,  but  nature  wore  a  harsher  front.  I  have  spoken 
of  the  great  sickness  of  1751,  and  how  it  desolated  Wey- 
mouth ;  but  epidemics  seem  to  have  been  far  more  prevalent 
during  the  last  century  than  in  this.  The  fearful  scourge  of 
the  small-pox  has  left  its  pit-marks  on  every  page  of  early 
New  England  history,  and  when,  in  1775,  a  chronic  dysen- 
tery prevailed  to  such  an  extent  that  three,  four  and  even 
five  children  were  lost  in  single  families,  a  Weymouth 
woman  writing  from  the  midst  of  the  general  distress  could 
only  say  "  the  dread  upon  the  minds  of  the  people  of  catching 
the  distemper  is  almost  as  great  as  if  it  were  the  small-pox."2 
Yet  in  1735  the  diphtheria  raged,  as  well  as  in  1751.  Their 

1  Sec  Records,  3d  March,  1712. 

"  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams  (ed.  1848)  p.  xxxvi. 


51 

winters  also  seem  to  have  been  longer,  their  snows  deeper, 
their  frosts  more  severe  than  ours.  In  1717  there  was  a 
great  snow-storm,  famous  in  New  England  annals.  The 
country  wTas  buried  under  huge  drifts,  which  swept  over 
fences  and  houses,  reducing  the  whole  colony  to  one  white, 
glittering  desert.  Weymouth  disappeared  with  the  rest,  and 
the  event  was  of  sufficient  importance  to  cause  a  memoran- 
dum of  it  to  be  inserted  in  the  records.1  In  other  years  we 
hear  of  the  harbor  freezing  over  in  November ;  and  on  the 
26th  of  March,  1785,  the  winter's  snow,  though  much 
reduced,  lay  still  on  a  level  with  the  fences,  nor  was  it  till 
April  7th  that  the  ice  broke  up  in  the  Fore  River.2  I  doubt 
whether  any  man  now  living  has  witnessed  a  like  occurrence. 
A  severer  climate  and  harsher  visitations  seem  strictly  in 
keeping  with  the  character  of  the  people.  The  religious  ele- 
ment which  led  to  the  settlement  of  New  England  still 
strongly  asserted  itself  in  the  life  and  customs  of  the  colony. 
Wealth  had  hardly  yet  begun  to  exercise  its  subtle  influence 
upon  it.  Indeed,  though  almost  all  were  prosperous  there 
was  little  of  what  can  properly  be  called  wealth  in  the  com- 
munity, but  there  was  equally  little  poverty.  The  people 
lived  in  rude  abundance,  and  I  do  not  believe  that  during  the 
first  hundred  years  of  the  history  of  Weymouth  as  many  per- 
sons received  public  aid  of  the  town.  Certainly  the  method 
of  dealing  with  pauperism,  where  it  occasionally  appears  in 
the  records,  was  primitive  in  the  extreme,  and  scarcely  com- 
mends itself  to  modern  theories.3  But  as  a  rule  there  appears 
to  have  been  a  strikingly  equal  division  of  such  property  as 
the  people  had,  which  lay  almost  wholly  in  their  cattle  and 
their  lands  ;  accumulation  had  scarcely  begun. 

1<(An  exceeding  great  snow  on  February  21st,  1717."  Records  (v.  1,  p.  270).  It 
is  the  single  record  of  the  kind. 

2  MS.  memorandum  of  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts. 

3  The  following  record,  for  instance,  is  a  little  suggestive  of  what  is  now  called 
"  baby  farming,"  though  we  know  in  that  society  it  led  to  fewer  abuses.    At  a  town 
meeting  in  Weymouth,  August  28,  1733,  "  Voted  by  the  Town  to  give  Twenty  pounds 
to  any  person  that  will  take  two  of  the  Children  of  the  Widow  Ruth  Harvey  (that  is) 
the  Eldest  Daughter  and  one  of  the  youngest  Daughters  (a  twin)  and  take  the  care  of 
them  untill  they  be  eighteen  years  old. 

"  Voted  that  the  Selectmen  shall  take  care  of  the  other  (twin)  a  youngest  daughter 
of  the  widow  Ruth  Harvey,  and  put  it  out  as  reasonably  as  they  can." 

The  following  also  has  a  strange  sound  to  modern  ears,  from  the  Record  of  March 
llth,  1771 :  "  Voted  to  sell  the  Poor  that  are  maintained  by  the  town  for  this  present 
year  at  a  Vendue  to  the  lowest  bidder."  Records  (v.  1,  pp.  318,  438). 


52 

We  are  always  accustomed  to  regard  the  past  as  a  better 
and  purer  time  than  the  present, — there  is  a  vague,  tradi- 
tional simplicity  and  innocence  hanging  about  it  almost  Arca- 
dian in  character.  I  can  find  no  ground  on  which  to  base  this 
pleasant  fancy.  Taken  altogether  I  do  not  believe  that  the 
morals  of  Weymouth  or  of  her  sister  towns  were  on  the 
average  as  good  in  the  eighteenth  century  as  in  the  nine- 
teenth. The  people  were  sterner  and  graver, — the  law  and 
the  magistrate  were  more  severe,  but  human  nature  was  the 
same  and  w7ould  have  vent.  There  was,  I  am  inclined  to 
think,  more  hypocrisy  in  those  days  than  now,  but  I  have 
seen  nothing  which  has  led  me  to  believe  that  the  women 
were  more  chaste,  or  that  the  men  were  more  temperate,  or 
that,  in  proportion  to  population,  fewer  or  lees  degrading 
crimes  were  perpetrated.  Certainly  the  earlier  generations 
were  as  a  race  not  so  charitable  as  their  descendants,  and  less 
of  a  spirit  of  kindly  Christianity  prevailed  among  them.  But 
in  those  days  enjoyment  itself  was  almost  a  crime,  and  every 
pleasure  was  thought  to  be  a  lure  of  the  devil  and  close  upon 
the  boundary  line  to  guilt.  Holidays,  accordingly,  were  few 
and  far  between.  The  May-pole  disappeared  writh  the  wild 
Morton  of  Merry  Mount.  During  the  colonial  period,  elec- 
tion or  training  day  was  what  the  Fourth  of  July  is  to  us, — 
the  great  anniversary  of  the  year,  on  which  the  whole  com- 
munity came  as  near  to  unbending  as  it  knew  how.  Thanks- 
giving and  the  annual  fast  were  both  church  days ;  Guy 
Fawkes'  day  was  notorious  for  its  noisy  revels  ;  Sunday  was 
devoted  to  nominal  rest  and  veritable  exhortation.  On  that 
day,  every  one  not  an  infant  attended  church  and  the  infants 
were  left  alone  at  home.1  From  Saturday  evening  to  Monday 
morning  all  labor  ceased, — the  voices  of  the  children  were 

1  "  There  fell  out  (1642)  a  very  sad  accident  at  Wcymoutli.  One  Richard  Sylvester, 
having  three  small  children,  he  and  bis  wife  going  to  the  assembly,  upon  the  Lord's 
day,  left  their  children  at  home.  The  eldest  was  without  doors  looking  to  some 
cattle ;  the  middle-most,  being  a  son  about  five  years  old,  seeing  his  father's  fowling 
piece,  (being  a  very  great  one,)  stand  in  the  chimney,  took  it  and  laid  it  upon  a  stool, 
as  he  had  seen  his  father  do,  and  pulled  up  the  cock,  (the  spring  being  weak,)  and 
put  down  the  hammer,  then  went  to  the  other  end  and  b lowed  in  the  mouth  of  the 
piece,  as  he  had  seen  his  father  also  do,  and  with  that  stirring  the  piece,  being  charged, 
it  went  off,  and  shot  the  child  into  its  mouth  and  through  his  head.  When  the  father 
came  home  he  found  his  child  lie  dead,  and  could  not  have  imagined  how  he  should 


53 

hushed, — the  blinds  were  drawn,  and  a  quiet,  which  was  not 
rest,  pervaded  the  town.  The  lecture  and  the  sermon  were 
the  events  of  the  week, — they  supplied  the  place  of  the 
theatre,  the  novel  and  the  newspaper, — they  were  listened  to 
and  discussed  and  commented  upon  by  old  and  young, — and, 
so  far  as  my  investigations  have  enabled  me  to  judge,  the 
stiffest  of  orthodoxy  was  ever  preached  from  the  Weymouth 
pulpit. 

In  the  earty  days,  however,  the  clergy  of  New  England 
were  an  aristocracy, — almost  a  caste.  Not,  of  course,  an 
aristocracy  of  wealth,  but  of  education,  tradition  and  faith, — 
a  veritable  priesthood  in  fact.  The  tie  between  the  pastor 
and  his  people  partook  almost  of  the  nature  of  the  wedding 
bond ;  there  was  a  sanctity  about  it ;  it  was  well-nigh  indis- 
soluble. But  in  its  earliest  period  Weymouth  was  not  fortu- 
nate in  these  relations.  Prior  to  1635  the  plantation  was  too 
poor  and  too  small  in  numbers  to  maintain  a  church,  but  that 
year  one  was  gathered,  being  the  eleventh  of  the  colony.1  Of 
Mr.  Hull,  the  first  authentic  pastor,  it  can  only  be  said  that  he 
preached  in  Weymouth  for  several  years,  and  then  his  connec- 
tion with  the  church  was  dissolved.  There  seems  indeed  at 
this  time  to  have  been  a  serious  schism  in  the  infant  settlement, 
for,  while  Mr.  Hull  arrived  in  1635  and  preached  his  farewell 
sermon  in  May,  1639,  yet  as  early  as  January,  1638,  the  elders 
of  Boston  had  come  to  Weymouth,  and  had  there  demonstrated 
the  efficacy  of  prayer  by  effecting  a  reconciliation  between 
one  Mr.  Jenner  and  his  people.  The  reconciliation  seems  to 
have  been  but  temporary,  for,  after  representing  the  town 
as  deputy  in  the  General  Court  in  1640,  in  1641  Mr.  Jenuer 
removed  to  Saco.  Meanwhile,  in  1637,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Lenthall  also  appears  upon  the  Weymouth  stage,  bringing 

have  been  so  killed,  but  the  youngest  child,  (being  but  three  years  old,  and  could 
scarce  speak,)  showed  him  the  whole  manner  of  it."  Savage's  Winthrop,  (vol.  2, 
p.  77). 

Weymouth,  June  1st,  1775.  "  Voted  that  the  Soldiers  from  the  age  of  Sixteen  to 
Sixty  appear  with  their  arms  upon  Lords  Days  on  penalty  of  forfeiting  a  Dollar  each 
Lords  Day  for  their  neglect.  That  those  Soldiers  who  tarry  at  home  upon  the  Lords 
day,  Except  they  can  make  a  Reasonable  Excuse  therefor  Shall  forfeit  two  Dollars." 
Records. 

1  Savage's  Winthrop,  v.  1,  p.  94,  n.  See  Johnson's  Wonder  Working  Providence, 
chap.  10. 


54 

with  him  the  pestilential  doctrines  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  in 
regard  to  justification  before  faith  and  other  equally  incom- 
prehensible theses,  which  came  so  near  working  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  infant  colony.  A  movement  was  started  inviting 
Mr.  Lenthall  to  settle  and  organize  a  new  church.  It  was 
apparently  making  rapid  headway  when  the  magistrates  of 
the  colony  energetically  interfered  to  put  a  stop  to  it.  In 
March,  1638,  Mr.  Lenthall  accordingly,  with  some  of  his 
leading  supporters,  was  summoned  to  appear  before  the 
General  Court,  and  made  to  see  good  reason  why,  with 
expressions  of  deep  contrition,  he  should  make  a  retraction  of 
his  heresies  in  writing  and  in  open  court.  Upon  this,  he  was, 
with  some  opposition,  dismissed  without  a  fine,  but  only  on 
condition  that  he  was  to  make  a  similar  public  recantation  in 
Wey mouth,  and  should  also  be  on  hand  when  the  next  General 
Court  assembled.  His  followers  did  not  escape  so  easily ; 
one  of  them  was  heavily  fined,  another  was  disfranchised,  a 
third,  having  no  means  wherewith  to  pay  a  fine,  was  publicly 
whipped,  and  a  fourth,  "because  of  his  novel  disposition," 
received  a  significant  intimation  to  the  eflect  that  the  General 
Court  "were  weary  of  him,  unless  he  reform."  Shortly  after 
this  miscarriage,  features  in  which  are  unpleasantly  suggestive 
of  inquisitorial  proceedings  in  other  lands,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Lenthall  seems  to  have  left  Weymouth,  for  he  is  next  heard 
of  in  Rhode  Island,  that  blessed  asylum  for  the  persecuted  of 
Massachusetts.1 

Mr.  Lenthall,  however,  represented  only  a  schism  in  the 
Weymouth  church ;  Mr.  Jeuner  was  the  minister  in  the  line 
of  true  succession.  He  retired  to  Maine  in  1640  and  was 
succeeded  in  his  pastorate  by  Mr.  Newman,  who  at  last 
brought  with  him  peace  to  the  distracted  church.  He  must 
have  been  a  very  superior  man, — able,  learned  and  faithful. 
Educated  at  Oxford,  he  had  preached  many  years  in  England 
before  coming  to  this  country  in  1638.  He  then  spent  some 
time  in  Dorchester,  and  was  subsequently  invited  to  Wey- 
mouth, where  he  settled  and  remained  until  he  migrated  with 
the  larger  portion  of  his  people  to  Rehoboth.  He  is  the  real 
author  of  the  Concordance  to  the  Bible  which  goes  under 

i  Savage's  Winthrop,  v.  1,  p.  287. 


55 

Cruclen's  name ;  for  it  was  he  who  prepared  the  basis  of  the 
work,  which  was  subsequently  finished  and  published  at 
Cambridge.1 

The-  Weymouth  church  had  now  had  three  preachers  in 
nine  years,  but  the  day  of  short  pastorates  was  over.  The. 
Eev.  Thomas  Thacher  was  ordained  as  the  successor  of  Mr. 
Newman  in  1644,  and  there  remained,  beloved  and  respected 
of  his  people,  for  twenty  years.  Then  marrying  a  second 
time,  and  his  parish  being  unable  to  afford  him  a  sufficient 
maintenance,2  he  moved  to  Boston,  the  home  of  his  wife,  and 
in  him  Weymouth  lost  at  once  its  spiritual  and  its  medical 
adviser,  for  Mr.  Thacher  was  a  skilful  physician  as  well  as  a 
learned  divine.  Subsequently,  in  1669,  he  became  the  first 
pastor  of  the  Old  South  Church,  in  Boston,  in  which  position 
he  died,  in  1678,  leaving  behind  him  a  race  of  descendants 
whose  names  are  familiar  through  a  century  of  colonial 
annals. 

To  Mr.  Thacher's  pastorate  of  twenty  years  succeeded  the 
fifty-one  years  of  the  learned  and  exemplary  Samuel  Torrey, 
the  trusted  adviser  of  the  magistrates  of  his  day,  the  intimate 
friend  of  all  its  leading  divines,  thrice  invited  to  preach  the 
election  sermon,  twice  called  to  the  presidency  of  Harvard 
College.  Mr.  Torrey  enjoyed  a  very  remarkable  gift  of 
prayer,  so  that  it  is  told  of  him  that  upon  the  occasion  of  a 
public  fast,  in  1696,  after  all  the  other  exercises,  he  prayed 
for  two  hours,  and  that  so  acceptably  that  his  auditors, 
when  towards  the  close  he  hinted  at  some  new  'and  agreeable 
fields  of  thought,  could  not  help  wishing  him  to  enlarge 
upon  them.3  He  died  deeply  lamented  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
six,  in  the  year  1707. 

Peter  Thacher  succeeded  Mr.  Torrey  in  the  year  of  the 

'  latter's  death,  and  continued  in  his  ministry  eleven  years ; 

being  followed,  in  1719,  by  Thomas  Paine,  whose  connection 

with  the  church  continued  until  dissolved,  at  his  own  request, 

in  1734.     He  then  retired  to  Boston,  where  he  ended  his  life, 

1  The  best  account  of  Mr.  Newman  and  his  Concordance  is  found  in  Bliss'  History 
of  Rehoboth,    It  is  a  singular  fact  that  William  Blackstone  should  have  gone  from 
Boston  to  Rehoboth,  and  been  followed  there  by  an  emigration  from  Wessagusset, 
which  place  he  had  probably  abandoned  when  he  went  to  Boston. 

2  II.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  7,  p.  11. 
s  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary. 


56 

and  his  body  was  brought  back  to  Weymouth  for  burial 
beside  his  children.  He  was  the  father  aiid  the  grandfather 
of  those  Robert  Treat  Paiues,  the  line  of  which  is  continued 
to  the  present  day. 

•  In  1734  the  Rev.  William  Smith  was  settled  as  the  eighth 
successive  pastor  of  the  first  church,  and  so  continued  for 
forty-nine  years,  and  until  after  the  close  of  the  colonial 
period.  Mr.  Smith  was  beloved  and  respected  through  his 
long  ministry  by  his  people,  but  to  posterity  he  is  chiefly 
known  as  the  father  of  her  who  proved  to  be  the  most  famous 
child  of  Weymouth.  The  familiar  anecdote  of  Parson  Smith's 
sermons  on  the  marriages  of  his  two  daughters  does  not  need 
to  be  repeated  here.1  Whether  the  good  old  pastor  did  or  did 
not  prepare  the  wedding  discourse  for  Abigail's  benefit  from 
so  very  unsavory  a  text  as  that  "John  came  neither  eating 
nor  drinking,  and  men  say  he  hath  a  devil,"  we  cannot  now 
tell ;  the  anecdote  rests  on  tradition  alone.  Let  us  hope, 
however,  that  he  did,  for  he  lived  to  see  his  daughter's  choice 
justified  in  the  eyes  of  the  most  doubting  of  his  parishioners ; 
though  he  had  himself  already  been  thirteen  years  in  his 
grave  when,  on  the  8th  of  February,  1797,  that  daughter 
wrote  to  her  husband  in  these  solemn  words,  breathing  the 
full  spirit  of  the  dead  divine  :  "  You  have  this  day  to  declare 
yourself  head  of  a  nation.  'And  now,  O  Lord,  my  God, 
thou  hast  made  thy  servant  ruler  over  the  people.  Give  unto 
him  an  understanding  heart,  that  he  may  know  how  to  go  out 
and  come  in  before  this  great  people ;  that  he  may  discern 
between  good  and  bad.  For  who  is  able  to  judge  this  thy 
so  great  a  people  ? '  .  .  .  My  thoughts  and  my 
meditation  are  with  you,  though  personally  absent ;  and  my 
petitions  to  Heaven  are,  that  f  the  things  which  make  for  peace 
may  not  be  hidden  from  your  eyes.'"2 

But  it  is  necessary  to  go  back  to  the  year  1765,  when  the 
long,  monotonous  quiet  of  over  a  century  was  to  be  broken 
for  Weymouth  and  all  her  sister  towns  by  the  deep  though 
distant  mutter  ings  of  an  impending  war.  The  first  notes  of 
the  struggle  then  break  sharply  in  on  the  peaceful  sameness  of 

1  It  can  be  found  in  the  preface  (pp.  xxviii,  xxix)  of  the  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams 
(ed.  1848). 

2  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams  (ed.  1848),  p.  374. 


or 

the  town  records  like  the  blast  of  a  trumpet.  The  Stamp  Act 
had  been  passed,  and  the  August  riots  had  taken  place  in 
Boston.  Mr.  Oliver  had  been  forced  to  resign  his  office,  and 
the  house  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  had  been  sacked.  The 
odious  act  was  to  take  effect  on  the  1st  of  November,  and  a 
special  session  of  the  General  Court  had  been  called  to 
take  into  consideration  the  course  it  was  incumbent  on  the 
colony  to  pursue.  The  representative  of  Weymouth  in  those 
days  was  James  Humphrey,  Esq.  Under  these  circum- 
stances a  meeting  of  the  freemen  was  held  on  the  16th  of 
October,  at  which  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts  was  chosen  Moderator, 
and  a  ringing  address  ot  instructions  to  Master  Humphrey, 
as  he  was  called,  was  voted  and  entered  at  length  upon  the 
records.  The  spirit  of  the  ancient  town  was  up,  and  its 
voice  emitted  no  uncertain  sound.  Cotton  Tufts  was  at  that 
time  thirty-four  years  of  age.  He  was  fully  imbued  with  the 
patriotic  spirit  of  the  day,  and  was,  in  his  own  vicinage,  a 
leading  itoan.  It  is  to  his  pen  that  the  papers  now  entered 
on  the  town  records  are  in  all  probability  to  be  credited.1 

Presently  the  government  of  the  mother  country  somewhat 
receded  from  its  position,  and,  during  the  loyal  reaction 
which  ensued,  a  draft  of  a  measure  indemnifying  the  sufferers 
in  the  August  riots  was  submitted  to  the  General  Court.  A 
special  town  meeting  was  held  on  September  1,  1766,  and  the 
town  refused  to  give  its  assent  to  the  payment  of  damages 
out  of  the  public  treasury.  But  another  meeting  was  held 
on  the  1st  of  December,  when  written  instructions  were 
entered  at  length  on  the  records,  again  embodying  the  full 
rebel  spirit  of  the  day,  but  this  time,  and  under  strict  condi- 
tions, authorizing  Master  Humphrey  to  vote  for  the  proposed 
compensation. 

In  1768  came  the  news  that  the  British  regiments  were 
ordered  to  Boston.  A  committee  of  the  Boston  town-meet- 
ing, called  in  consequence  of  this  announcement,  waited  on 
Governor  Bernard  with  a  request,  among  other  things,  that 
the  General  Court  should  be  convened.  Meeting  with  a 
refusal,  the  Boston  people  took  the  matter  into  their  own 
hands,  and  instructed  their  selectmen  to  invite,  by  circular 

1  That  part  of  the  town  records  which  relates  to  the  revolutionary  period  will  prob- 
ably be  printed  in  full  in  the  History  of  Weymouth,  now  in  course  of  preparation. 


58 

letter,  all  the  towns  in  the  colony  to  send  representatives  to 
assemble  in  convention,  at  Boston,  on  the  22d  of  September. 
Over  one  hundred  towns  complied  with  this  bold  invitation, 
thus  overriding  the  royal  governor,  and  convening  an  assem- 
bly which,  though  it  sat  but  four  days,  and  carefully  avoided 
any  claim  to  a  legal  existence,  was,  in  everything  but  in  name, 
a  house  of  representatives.  In  this  convention  sat  James 
Humphrey,  under  instructions  to  be  there  from  the  town  of 
Wey  mouth. 

More  than  five  years  now  passed  away  during  which  the 
controversy  between  the  mother  country  and  the  colonies  was 
continually  approaching  a  crisis,  but  they  left  no  mark  on  the 
records  of  Weymouth.  Then  arose  the  question  as  to  the 
tax  on  tea.  Early  in  December,  1773,  the  famous  town 
meeting  had  been  held  in  Faneuil  Hall,  at  which  the  resolve 
was  passed,  "that  if  any  person  or  persons  shall  hereafter 
import  tea  from  Great  Britain,  or  if  any  master  or  masters  of 
any  vessel  or  vessels  in  Great  Britain  shall  take  the  came  on 
board  to  be  transported  to  this  place,  until  the  unrighteous 
act  shall  be  repealed,  he,  or  they,  shall  be  deemed  by  this 
body  an  enemy  to  his  country,  and  we  will  prevent  the  land- 
ing and  sale  of  the  same,  and  the  payment  of  any  duty 
thereon,  and  will  effect  the  return  thereof  to  the  place  from 
whence  it  shall  come."1  Copies  of  this  resolve  were  sent  to 
all  the  sea-port  towns  in  the  Province.  A  few  days  later,  on 
the  night  of  December  16th,  the  celebrated  tea-party  took 
place  in  the  Old  South  Church  and  on  the  wharves  of  Boston. 
In  response  to  the  resolve  a  special  town  meeting  was  held  in 
Weymouth  on  Monday,  January  3d,  1774,  at  which  it  was 
resolved  by  a  very  large  majority,  after  some  debate,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town  would  neither  purchase  nor  make  use 
of  any  teas,  excepting  such  as  they  might  happen  then  to 
have  on  hand,  until  Parliament  repealed  the  odious  duty  upon 
it.  On  the  28th  of  September  the  town  again  met  and  chose 
a  representative  to  the  General  Court,  which  convened  at 
Salem  on  the  5th  of  October ;  no  other  instructions  were 
given  to  him  than  those  adopted  by  Boston  for  its  own  repre- 
sentatives, copies  of  which  had  been  freely  circulated. 

A     committee    had    been    appointed   at   a   town  meeting 

1  Hutcliinson,  v.  3,  p.  432. 


59 

held  in  July  to  procure  signatures  to  the  Joseph  Warren 
"Solemn  League  and  Covenant,"  which  had  been  sent 
forth  by  the  Boston  committee  of  correspondence  on  the 
5th  of  June.  This  measure  was  subsequently  adopted  by 
the  Congress  then  sitting  at  Philadelphia,  and  recommended 
under  the  name  of  a  Continental  Association.  So,  on  the 
23d  of  December  1774,  at  the  close  of  the  evening  lecture, 
the  roll  of  the  inhabitants  of  Weymouth  was  called  and  each 
man  voted  yea  or  nay  on  the  question  of  the  approval  of  the 
association.  The  two  precincts  voted  separately  ;  in  each  one 
hundred  and  twenty-three  names  were  called,  .beginning  with 
the  two  clergymen ;  in  the  first  precinct,  one  hundred  and 
thirteen  answered  to  their  names,  of  whom  one  hundred  and 
nine  voted  "yea";  in  the  second  precinct,  out  of  one  hundred 
and  three  voting,  not  one  responded  "nay."  On  the  30th  of 
January  the  town  again  met  and  voted  "To  bare  the  constables 
of  1773  harmless  in  not  carrying  their  money  to  Haryson 
Gray,"  he  being  the  royalist  treasurer  of  the  Province ;  and 
further  directed  that  the  funds  on  hand  should  be  turned  over 
to  the  town  treasurer.  On  the  9th  of  March  this  vote  was 
reconsidered,  and  the  money  was  directed  to  be  paid  to  Henry 
Gardner  of  Stow,  who  now  represented  the  patriot  exchequer. 
At  this  meeting,  too,  the  question  was  agitated  of  raising  a 
company  of  minute-men,  but  the  motion  to  that  effect  was  not 
then  carried.  On  the  27th  of  the  same  month,  however, 
another  town  meeting  was  held  and  the  action  of  the  previous 
meeting  was  reconsidered,  the  town  voting  to  raise  a  com- 
pany of  fifty-three  men,  who  were  to  receive  one  shilling  a 
week  each  for  four  weeks,  and  were  to  be  drilled  two  half 
days  a  week.  Upon  the  2d  of  May  another  town  meeting 
was  held,  and  upon  the  9th  yet  another.  The  affairs  at  Lex- 
ington and  Concord  had  now  taken  place,  and  the  greatest 
anxiety  prevailed  through  all  the  towns  in  the  vicinity  of 
Boston.  They  were  ever  looking  for  similar  enterprises.  So 
at  the  first  of  these  two  meetings  provision  was  made  for  a 
military  guard  of  fifteen  men,  and  at  the  second  a  committee 
of  correspondence  was  organized,  at  the  head  of  which  were 
placed  Dr.  Tufts  and  Colonel  Lovell.  Twelve  clays  later, 
early  on  Sunday,  the  21st  of  May,  the  news  was  brought  to 
the  town  that  three  sloops  and  a  cutter  had,  during  the  pre- 


60 

vious  night,  come  down  from  Boston  and  had  anchored  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Fore  River.  A  landing  was  momentarily 
expected,  and  it  was  even  reported  to  have  taken  place,  and 
that  three  hundred  soldiers  were  advancing  on  the  town. 
Three  alarm  guns  were  fired,  the  bells  were  rung  and  the 
drums  beat  to  arms.  The  panic  and  confusion  were  very 
great  and  worth  recording,  for  it  is  the  only  time  in  the  long 
history  of  the  town  that  Weymouth  has  ever  had  cause  to 
fear  that  a  civilized  and  disciplined  foe  was  at  her  threshold. 
Every  house  below  the  present  North  Weymouth  station  was 
deserted  by  the  women  and  children.  Mr.  Smith's  family 
fled  from  the  old  parsonage,  and  Dr.  Tufts'  wife,  being  ill  at 
the  time,  had  a  bed  thrown  into  a  cart,  and,  putting  herself 
upon  it,  was  driven  to  Bridge  water  as  a  place  of  security ; 
and,  indeed,  tradition  says  that  other  ladies  of  Weymouth 
gave  evidence  that  morning  of  an  abundant  vitality,  and  dis- 
played truly  remarkable  powers  of  locomotion.  Meanwhile 
Dr.  Tufts  himself  was  busy  serving  out  rations  and  supplying 
ammunition  to  the  minute-men,  who  poured  rapidly  in  from 
Hingham  and  Randolph  and  Braiutree  and  all  the  neighboring 
towns,  until  nearly  2,000  of  them  were  on  the  ground.  Then 
it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy  were  only  foraging,  and 
were  engaged  in  removing  hay  from  Grape  Island.  By  the 
time  they  had  secured  about  three  tons,  the  minute-men  had 
brought  a  sloop  and  lighter  round  from  Hingham  on  which 
they  put  out  for  the  island,  whereupon  the  enemy  decamped.1 
It  was  a  mere  alarm  in  which  no  one  was  hurt,  but  it  showed 
the  spirit  of  the  town  even  though  it  only  resulted  in  the 
destruction  of  the  hay,  which  doubtless  Gen.  Ward's  army 
needed,  and  which,  had  they  been  older  soldiers,  the  minute- 
men  would  have  brought  away  instead  of  burning. 

Towards  the  middle  of  July  again,  a  small  party,  among 
whom  was  Captain  Goold  of  the  Weymouth  company,  with 
twenty-five  of  his  men,  went  out  from  the  Moon  Head  and 
burned  a  house  and  a  barn  full  of  hay  on  Long  Island.  On 
this  occasion  they  had  a  sharp  skirmish,  for  the  British  men- 
of-war  lying  in  the  harbor  sent  out  their  cutters  to  intercept 
the  party.  They  all,  however,  got  back  safely  except  one 
man  of  the  covering  force  on  Moon  Head,  who  was  killed  by  a 

1  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams,  pp.  26,  33. 


61 

cannon-ball.  That  night  a  sloop  of  war  dropped  down  to  the 
Fore  River,  but  attempted  nothing  beyond  creating  another 
alarm.  And  this  experience  from  time  to  time  was  repeated, 
until  at  last,  in  the  spring  of  1775,  Boston  was  evacuated; 
and  upon  the  14th  of  June  following,  in  consequence  of 
military  movements  on  the  islands  in  the  harbor,  the  last 
remnant  of  the  British  fleet  put  to  sea,  and  the  towns  border- 
ing on  the  bay  were  thereafter  allowed  to  rest  in  peace. 

During  the  year  1775  ten  town-meetings  had  been  held  in 
"Weymouth,  and  seven  were  held  in  1776.  And  now  we 
enter  on  a  new  phase  of  the  struggle  for  independence.  For 
us,  with  our  recollections  of  the  war  of  the  rebellion  still  fresh 
in  our  memories,  it  is  most  curious  to  read  these  ancient 
records, — to  observe  how  closely  history  repeats  itself.  We 
well  remember  the  fierce,  self-sacrificing  patriotism  of  1861, 
— how  the  country  was  all  alive  with  eagerness,  how  money 
was  poured  forth  like  water  and  how  regiments  enlisted 
faster  than  they  could  be  put  into  the  field.  We  remember 
how  this  lasted  through  a  short  six  months,  and  how  we  then 
began  to  realize  what  war  meant.  Then  bounties  began  to  be 
paid, — then  enlistments  grew  more  difficult  just  in  proportion 
as  the  call  for  men  became  more  pressing, — then  values  were 
unsettled,  prices  rose,  the  feverish  glow  of  excitement  faded 
away,  and  stern-visaged  war  gradually  assumed  her  whole 
hateful  front.  We  generally,  too,  are  apt  to  imagine  that 
the  earlier  days  were  less  selfish,  more  self-sacrificing,  more 
harmonious  than  our  own.  The  records  tell  a  different  story. 
The  declaration  of  independence  had  only  Just  been  ventured 
upon, — it  was  not  yet  entered  upon  the  records  of  Weymouth, 
"there  to  remain  as  a  perpetual  memorial," — when  on  the  15th 
of  July,  1776,  a  town  meeting  was  held  to  secure  the  enlist- 
ment of  ten  men  for  the  continental  army,  that  being,  the 
quota  of  the  town.  It  was  voted  to  raise  £130,  in  order  to 
give  to  each  recruit  a  town  bounty  of  £13  in  addition  to  the 
state  bounty  of  £7, — making  a  bounty  of  £20  to  each  man. 
It  was  also  voted  to  allow  the  citizens  of  Weymouth  two  days 
in  which  to  enlist,  after  which  a  committee  of  two  was  to  go 
forth  in  search  of  recruits  elsewhere.  But  before  the  22d  of 
the  month  eight  men  more  were  called  for,  and  so  at  its 
adjourned  meeting  the  town  had  to  increase  its  appropriation 


62 

to  £234,  a  portion  of  which  sum  was  borrowed  of  Captain 
James  White  for  one  year, — being  the  earliest  record  of 
a  Wey mouth  town  debt.1 

To  the  Weymouth  of  that  day  these  eighteen  men  were  the 
equivalent  of  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  now ;  and  they 
were  raised  to  take  part  in  the  unfortunate  Canada  campaign 
under  Arnold  and  Montgomery.  How  many  of  them  ever 
returned  we  cannot  tell,  but  the  weary  sons  of  Weymouth 
in  1776  doubtless  found  final  resting-places  in  the  wilds 
of  Maine  or  beneath  the  snows  of  Canada,  as  more  recently 
they  found  them  in  the  swamps  of  the  Chickahominy  or 
beneath  the  torrid  sun  of  Louisiana.  By  December  of  that 
year  twenty-two  more  men  went  into  the  continental  service, 
under  Lieutenant  Kingman  ;  and  now  the  bounty  was  three 

1  The  history  of  this  loan  is  curious  and  suggestive.  It  may  be  traced  through  the 
following  entries  in  the  town  records. 

July  22nd  1776.  "Voted  that  the  Town  Treasurer  Borrow  the  afforesaid  sum  of 
£234  &  give  the  Towns  security  with  Interest  for  the  Same." 

"  July  23d  1776  the  Town  Treasurer  Borrowed  of  Capt  James  White  £130  and  gave 
the  Towns  Security  to  pay  the  same  in  twelve  months  with  interest." 

April  7th  1783.  "  Voted  to  allow  unto  Captain  James  White  the  Depreation  on 
some  money  that  he  lent  to  the  Town. 

"Whereas  in  the  year  1776  Capt.  James  White  lent  the  Town  £130  and  took  it  in 
again  in  1778,  and  Took  only  the  nominal  Sum, — the  Town  Voted  that  Capt.  White 
should  have  the  Depreation  that  was  on  money  when  Capt.  White's  money  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  Town.  Said  Term  of  Time  will  be  made  to  appear  by  a  Receipt 
from  Capt.  Whitman. 

"  Voted  that  any  others  that  are  under  like  Circumstances  with  Capt.  White,  that 
have  Lent  Money  to  the  Town  and  have  Taken  it  in  again,  that  they  be  allowed  the 
Depreation  that  was  on  money  while  theres  was  in  the  Hands  of  the  Town. 

"  Nath1  Bayley  Esq.  Hon'°  James  Humphrey  Esq.  &  Col.  Asa  White  were  Chosen 
a  Committee  for  the  above  purpose  of  Scttleing  the  Depreation  with  Capt.  James 
White  and  others." 

May  13th  1783.  "  A  motion  was  made  and  Seconded  to  Reconsider  a  Vote  that 
was  past  at  a  town  meeting  on  April  the  7th  with  regard  to  making  up  the  Deprecea- 
tion  to  Capt.  James  White  and  others  that  lent  money  to  the  town  and  rec'1  it  again 
in  the  Nominal  Sum  and  it  passed  in  favour  of  Reconsidering  of  Said  Vote." 

September  16th  1783.  "  A  Town  Meeting  in  Consequence  of  Capt.  James  White's 
Commencing  an  action  on  the  Town. 

"  A  motion  was  made  and  Seconded  to  no  if  it  was  the  minds  of  the  People  to  stand 
Capt.  White  in  the  Law  and  it  passed  in  favor  of  it. 

"  Voted  to  Chuse  Two  agents  to  act  in  Behalf  of  the  Town  against  Capt.  James 
White,  even  to  final  Judgment  and  Execution. 

"  The  lion1'  Cotton  Tufts  Esq  £  Solomon  Lovcll  Esq  ware  Chosen  (  c^f^ftee) 
for  the  above  purpose. 

"  Voted  that  the  ajcnts  be  impowcrcd  to  Draw  Money  out  of  the  Town  Treasury  to 
Defend  the  Town  against  Capt.  White  even  to  final  Judgment  and  Execution  they  to 
Render  an  accompt  how  they  disposed  of  the  money. 

"  Voted  to  adjourn  the  meeting  to  the  22nd  of  this  instant  Seplir  at  of  the  Clock  in 
the  afternoon." 


63 

pounds  per  mouth  for  three  months.1  It  was  shortly  before 
this  time  that  a  Weymouth-born  woman,  writing  from  the 
next  town  of  Braintree,  thus  described  the  aspect  of  affairs  : 
"  I  am  sorry  to  see  a  spirit  so  venal  prevailing  everywhere. 
When  our  men  were  drawn  out  for  Canada  a  very  large 
bounty  was  given  them ;  and  now  another  call  is  made  upon 
us,  no  one  will  go  without  a  large  bounty,  though  only  for 
two  months,  and  each  town  seems  to  think  its  honor  engaged 
outbidding  the  others.  The  province  pay  is  forty  shillings. 
In  addition  to  that  this  town  voted  to  make  it  up  six  pounds. 
They  then  draw  out  the  persons  most  unlikely  to  go,  and  they 
are  obliged  to  give  three  pounds  to  hire  a  man.  Some  pay 
the  whole  fine,  ten  pounds.  Forty  men  are  now  drafted  from 
this  town.  More  than  one-half,  from  sixteen  to  fifty,  are 


"  Sepbr  22d  1783.  Meet  at  the  adjournment  and  as  neither  of  the  ajents  had  Taken 
the  advice  of  a  Lawyer  Voted  to  adjourn  to  monday  29th  of  this  instant  September 
at  10  of  the  Clock  foornoon." 

"  Sepbr  29th  1783  meet  on  the  adjournment  and  further  adjourned  to  October  6th 
1783." 

"  October  6th  1783,  meet  on  the  adjournment.  Voted  that  the  ajents  (if  occation 
for  it)  appeal  to  the  Superior  Court  at  february  Next,  the  Meeting  Dissolved." 

"  Weymouth  March  the  8th  1784. 

"  the  Agents  appointed  to  defend  the  Town  in  an  action  brought  by  Capt.  James 
"White,  on  a  Note  paid  him  in  Paper  money ;  found  that  the  Town  was  not  in  a  Ca- 
pacity to  tender  the  money  for  the  Note  of  Hand  due — and  therefore  that  the  Costs  and 
Charges  of  Court  would  fall  upon  the  Town,  whether  the  Demand  for  Depreciation  on 
Said  note  paid  was  finally  Decided  in  his  Favour  or  not, — they  also  found  that  a  much 
heaver  Expence  to  the  Town  would  arise  from  Carrying  on  the  Suit  to  final  Judgment 
than  they  Concieved  that  the  Town  was  aware,  off— this  induced  your  Agents  to  Listen 
to  Some  Proposals  made  by  Capt  White :  (Viz)  To  Pay  the  Cost  that  had  then  arisen, 
to  allow  him  Compound  Interest  on  his  Note  that  was  due  and  to  Estimate  the  Depre- 
ciation thereon  from  the  month  of  June  his  note  being  Dated  the  first  of  July.  He 
alledging  that  notwithstanding  as  their  was  but  one  Day  that  made  the  Difference;  it 
was  hard  that  the  whole  month  of  July  should  be  taken  in  for  the  Estimate — they 
accordingly  made  the  Calculation  and  Certified  the  same  to  the  Town  Treasurer,  who 
Settled  with  Capt.  James  White  Conformably  thereunto,  and  the  Action  was  dropt 
never  having  had  a  Tryall.  As  youre  Agents  conducted  in  this  matter,  as  they  Appre- 
hended for  the  best  Interest  of  the  Town  they  flatter  themselves  that  then1  Conduct 
will  meet  with  the  Approbation  of  the  Town,  and  that  the  Town  will  Confirm  the 
Doeings  of  their  Treasurer  thereon. 

The  Honble  Cotton  Tufts  Es<ir    )  A  enfg 
Gen.  Solomon  Lovell  Esqr  ) 

"  The  Above  Report  Accepted  by  the  Town 

John  Tirrel  Town  Clerk  " 

The  depreciation  in  paper  money  between  July,  1776,  and  the  same  mouth  in  1778, 
had  been  from  par  to  6.30  for  1. 
1  Records,  Monday,  December  23,  1776. 


64 

now  in  the  service.  This  method  of  conducting  will  create  a 
general  uneasiness  in  the  Continental  army.  I  hardly  think 
you  can  be  sensible  how  much  we  are  thinned  in  this  prov- 
ince."1 

And  now  a  new  difficulty,  with  which  our  generation  has 
been  sadly  familiar,  was  added  to  the  heavy  load  under  which 
the  unfledged  nationality  was  compelled  to  stagger.  The 
value  of  its  paper  currency  had  hitherto  been  sustained ;  but 
at  fast,  in  the  face  of  ever-increasing  new  issues,  it  began  to 
depreciate,  and  by  the  close  of  the  year  1776  it  had  fallen 
one-sixth  in  value.  In  vain  does  Congress  enact  that  who- 
ever pays  or  receives  the  currency  at  a  rate  less  than  its  nomi- 
nal value  shall  not  only  be  accounted  a  public  enemy,  but 
shall  forfeit  the  amount  involved  in  such  unpatriotic  transac- 
tion. In  defiance  of  law  prices  steadily  rise.  In  January, 
1777,  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  went  even  further, 
and  passed  a  measure  entitled  "  An  Act  to  prevent  Monopoly 
and  Oppression."  Under  this  the  selectmen  of  "VVey mouth, 
aided  by  a  committee  of  their  townsmen,  proceeded  to  fix  a 
tariff  of  prices  at  which  articles  were  to  be  sold.  It  is  a  sad 
record.  The  effort  was,  of  course,  a  futile  one,  but  it  was 
made;  and  there  it  stands  "as  a  perpetual  memorial,"  begin- 
ning with  Indian  corn  and  ending  with  cedar-posts,  a  monu- 
ment of  the  wretched  expedients  to  which  sensible  men  will 
resort  in  troublous  and  unsettled  times. 

The  call  was  now  for  three  year  men,  and  the  town  bounty 
was  eight  pounds  per  annum.  But  some  of  the  enlisted  men 
had  deserted,  under  the  discouragement  of  the  Long  Island 
reverses,  and  none  the  less  they  claimed  their  bounties.  The 
action  of  the  town-meeting  seems  to  have  been  hardly  consis- 
tent with  the  usually  received  i^eas  of  military  discipline,  for 
it  was  voted  to  pay  "  those  who  deserted  and  came  home  before 
their  times  were  up  "  four  pounds  apiece,  on  the  report  of  a 
committee,  to  which  the  town  added  a  further  sum  of  forty 
shillings.  But  the  whole  story  is  told  in  the  following  extract 
from  the  record  of  May  21st,  1777  :  "  Voted  that  Col.  Solomon 
Lovell,  Lieut.  E.  Gushing  &  Dean  Samuel  Blaucher  be  a  Com- 
mittee to  go  out  of  Town  to  Hire  men  for  the  Contenential 
army  for  the  Term  of  three  years, — and  that  they  be  directed 

1  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams  (ed.  1848),  p.  82. 


65 

to  git  them  as  Cheep  as  they  can, — and  that  noe  one  of  them 
be  allowed  to  give  more  than  Thirty  pounds  for  a  man  with- 
out the  advise  of  another  of  the  committee." 

Throughout  the  long  war  the  people  would  not  consent  to 
a  draft.  They  resorted  to  every  expedient  and  makeshift, 
but  they  could  not  bring  themselves  to  the  one  single  expe- 
dient by  which  only  can  Avar  be  made  decisive.  In  September, 
1777,  a  draft  was  suggested,1  but  the  idea  met  with  no  favor : 
again  recourse  was  had  to  bounties,  which  were  now  £100 
in  lawful  money,  or  forty  shillings  a  month  in  produce 
at  prices  which  ruled  before  the  war.  The  year  1779  must, 
however,  have  been  the  gloomiest  year  of  all  to  Weymouth,  for 
it  was  in  this  year  that  the  State  of  Massachusetts  undertook 
the  unfortunate  Penobscot  expedition.  The  land  forces  were 
commanded  by  the  brave  and  popular  Solomon  Lovell,  and 
naturally  must  have  numbered  in  their  ranks  many  Weymouth 
men.  It  encountered  only  disaster  and  loss,  and  added  heavily 
to  the  already  grievous  burdens  of  the  war.  The  commander 
of  the  naval  contingent  was  court-martialled,  but  no  question 
was  made  as  to  General  Lovell's  conduct.  Meanwhile  prices 
were  rising,  and  now  $4,500  was  voted,  wherewith  to  raise 
nine  men.  It  had  also  become  very  evident  that  the  tariff  of 
prices  fixed  by  the  selectmen  and  the  committee  of  the  town, 
two  years  and  a  half  before,  was  somewhat  out  of  date,,  as, 
its  provisions  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  butcher's  meat 
was  now  a  dollar  a  pound,  corn  twenty-five  dollars  per  bushel 
and  labor  eight  dollars  per  day.  Still  the  good  people  were 
not  discouraged,  but  a  new  committee  was  set  to  work,  and 
again,  by  a  large  majority,  a  tariff  of  prices  was  established ; 
but  at  the  same  town-meeting  which  adopted  it  $9,000  was 
voted  to  procure  recruits.  Indeed,  the  figures  now  become 
colossal,  and  in  September,  1780,  the  town  votes  £5,000 
for  the  support  of  schools  and  £15,000  "to  pay  the  three 
months  men,  if  wanted  for  that  purpose,  if  not,  for  other 

1  The  nearest  approach  made  to  a  draft  is  found  in  the  following  vote  : — 

"  June  19"'.  1780 

"  Voted  that  the  assessors  he  desired  to  set  off  the  Inhabitants  as  near  as  they  can 
into  twenty  Parsols  or  Districts  as  they  Stand  in  the  Tax  Bill  for  Polls  and  Estates 
and  each  District  to  be  obliged  to  get  a  Man  to  go  into  the  Servis  and  it'  any  one  in 
said  district  shall  refuse  to  go  or  to  pay  his  Proportion  According  to  what  he  pays 
Taxes  the  Capt.  of  the  Company  to  which  he  belongs  be  Desired  to  draft  said  Person 
and  return  him  as  a  Drafted  Man."  Record. 


66 


town  charges."     Nor  was  this  all.     The  new  State  govern- 

o  o 

ment  was  now  organized,  and  John  Hancock  had  been 
elected  Governor,  receiving,  in  Weymouth,  twenty-nine  votes 
to  eleven  for  Jarnes  Bowdoin ;  but  one  of  the  first  acts  of 
the  Legislature  was  to  allot  among  the  various  towns  a 
quota  of  beef  to  be  supplied  as  well  as  men,  so  the  year  1780 
closes  with  these  two  melancholy  entries  in  the  records  of 
this  poor  little  town,  casting  forty  votes  at  the  annual 
election  : — 

"  Voted  to  raise  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  dollars  of 
the  old  currency  to  procure  the  beef  set  on  the  town  by  the 
General  Court." 

*  Voted  to  give  fifty  hard  dollars  a  year  for  any  one  or 
more  men  that  shall  engage  for  this  town  for  three  year  in 
the  Continental  Servis." 

"  Gen.  Lovell,  Cap1  Nash,  Capt.  "Whitman  &  Lt  Vinson 
chosen  a  Comce  to  hire  the  Nineteen  men  set  on  this  town." 

Of  course  the  Continental  currency  was  now  almost  wholly 
discredited,  having  fallen  to  seventy-five  for  one,  and  Wey- 
mouth instructed  its  representative  to  use  his  influence  "  that 
the  act  called  the  Tender  Act  should  be  repealed."  But  its 
repeal  was  of  little  consequence ;  the  country  had  gotten 
back  to  hard  money  by  the  radical  course  of  rendering1  all 

«/          */  o 

other  money  worthless.  In  1781  Weymouth  had  also  returned 
to  the  old  tax  figures,  raising  £00  for  the  support  of  schools 
and  £100  for  all  other  expenses  ;  but  the  burden  of  recruiting 
grew  heavier  and  heavier,  and  in  October,  1781,  it  was 
"Voted  to  give  the  committee  for  hiring  soldiers  discretionary 
power  to  hire  them  upon  the  best  terms  they  can,"  and  $2,500, 
''hard  dollars,"  were  appropriated  for  the  purpose.  For- 
tunately the  long  trial  now  drew  near  its  close.  The  towns 
of  Massachusetts  were  thoroughly  exhausted  and  neither  men 
nor  money  could  be  procured.  In  spite  of  the  large  sums 
offered  recruits  were  no  longer  forthcoming,  and  finally  Wey- 
mouth, as  one  of  many  delinquent  towns,  became  liable  to  a 
heavy  fine.  The  wonder,  however,  was  not  that  the  towns 
were  delinquent,  but  rather  where  they  found  so  many  able- 
bodied  men  as  they  then  supplied.  Weymouth,  at  that  time, 


67 

could  not  well  have  mustered  over  two  hundred  men  of  the 
age  of  military  service.  The  record  would  seem  to  establish 
the  fact  that  more  than  one-tenth  of  these  Avere  annually 
called  for.  Such  a  strain  could  not  long  have  been  sustained  ; 
but  the  dogged  tenacity  of  the  people-  was  equal  to  the 
burden  they  were  called  upon  to  bear,  and  it  is  pleasant  to 
find,  almost  before  the  struggle  was  over,  the  process  of  recu- 
peration begun,  and  the  town  on  the  20th  of  November,  1782, 
voting  £300  for  the  purpose  of  partly  paying  its  debts. 

With  the  close  of  the  long  struggle  for  independence  ends 
the  second  period  in  the  history  of  Weymouth.  More  than 
ninety  years  have  since  passed  away,  carrying  with  them 
three  generations  of  the  children  of  the  soil.  They  have  been 
years  of  great  development'  and  of  healthy  growth, — not 
such  development  nor  such  growth  as  is  often  seen  in  this 
country, — nothing,  indeed,  which  in  our  age  may  be  called 
remarkable,  for  almost  any  active  and  bustling  railroad  centre 
in  the  Western  States  can  boast  of  greater  census  figures  ; 
but  the  growth  of  Weymouth  has  been  that  of  a  thrifty, 
industrious  New  England  town,  and  when,  after  the  long 
lapse  of  ages,  the  final  account  is  rendered,  who  shall  say  that 
the  former  growth  will  be  found  better  than  the  latter  ?  In 
1782  Weymouth  was  still  an  agricultural  community, — its 
people  were  scattered  over  its  wide  territory  and  it  scarcely 
contained  within  its  limits  any  cluster  of  houses  worthy  of 
the  name  of  village.  In  the  state  election  of  that  year  fifty- 
one  votes  were  cast,  and  the  sum  raised  by  taxation  to  defray 
the  annual  expenses  of  the  town  was  the  equivalent  of  $1,230. 
It  contains  now  four  separate  villages  within  its  limits,  each 
one  far  more  populous  and  more  wealthy  than  the  entire  town 
then  was  ;  its  annual  levy  exceeds  $85,000,  and  at  its  elec- 
tions it  casts  1,200  votes. 

It  is  now  fifty  years  since  the  learned  editor  of  Governor 
Winthrop's  History  of  New  England  remarked  that  "a  care- 
ful history  of  Weymouth  is  much  needed."1  The  want  is 
still  felt.  To  me  the  preparation  of  this  hasty  sketch  of  the 
earlier  days  has  been  a  work  of  great  enjoyment.  I  have 
had  to  deal  with  Mount  Wollastou  and  with  Weymouth,  those 
twin  settlements  in  the  first  infancy  of  New  England  life,  and 

1  Savage's  AVinthrop,  vol.  1,  p.  163. 


68 

in  the  history  of  each  I  could  not  do  otherwise  than  take  a 
deep  hereditary  interest.  It  was  at  Mount  Wollaston,  close 
to  the  spot  where  once  stood  the  May-pole  of  the  wild  Morton, 
that  John  Quincy  lived  and  died, — it  was  in  the  old  parsonage 
of  Weymouth,  almost  within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  site  of 
Weston's  plantation,  that  John  Adams  was  married  to  the 
grand-daughter  of  that  John  Ouincv.  Nevertheless,  no  decree 

O  O  v  »/  ^ 

of  personal  interest  can  convert  a  hurried  sketch  into  a  careful 
histoiy,  and  Weymouth  deserves  no  less.  Nor  should  the 
story  of  later  development  remain  untold.  It  necessarily 
lacks,  indeed,  those  elements  of  strangeness,  of  remoteness 
and  of  mystery,  which  lend  their  charm  to  the  earlier  periods 
which  we  have  considered  to-day,  but  the  record  is  none  the 
less  of  sufficing  interest.  The  children  of  Weymouth,  during 
the  present  century,  have  gone  forth  in  peace  and  in  war,  and 
are  now  scattered  all  over  the  common  country,  and,  indeed, 
over  the  civilixed  world.  Her  children,  too,  remaining  at 
home,  have  altered  and  diversified  the  old  town  until  the 
fathers  would  know  it  no  longer.  It  must  be  for  others  to 
recount  these  changes  of  the  later  years.  I  prefer  to  leave 
thc  narrative  on  the  threshold  of  the  new  era  and  before  the 
old  order  of  things  had  yet  begun  to  pass  away, — while  a 
fresher  and  a  purer  air  still  hung  around  the  Great  Hill,  and 
while  a  certain  fragrance  of  the  primeval  forest  gathered 
about  Whitman's  pond.  I  prefer  to  leave  it  while  Joshua 
Bates,  newly  come  back  from  the  continental  army,  a  colonel 
of  artillery  at  twenty-eight,  was  meditating  those  busy  enter- 
prises which  were  destined  to  infuse  a  new  life  into  his  native 
town  ;  and  I  shall  not  seek  to  follow  that  other  Joshua  Bates, 
then  unborn,  whose  destiny  it  was  to  migrate  back  to  the 
mother  country,  and  there  in  fulness  of  time  to  die  at  the 
head  of  the  first  commercial  firm  of  London  or  the  world. 
We  leave  Weymouth  just  emerging,  weak  but  alive  yet,  from 
the  long  ordeal  of  an  eight  years'  war,  and  entering  on  a  more 
prosperous  career, — we  leave  it  while  brave  old  Brigadier 
Lovell  yet  viewed  his  broad  acres  from  the  summit  of  King- 
Oak  Hill, — while  Dr.  Cotton  Tufts  still  served  the  town 
whether  at  the  bedsides  of  the  sick  or  in  the  councils  of  the 
State,  and  e'er  yet  the  grass  had  grown  over  th*?  new-made 
grave  of  the  good  old  Parson  Smith.  Two  centuries  and 


69 

a  half  of  municipal  life  are  now  completed,  and  in  celebrating 
the  event  to-day  may  we  not  fitly  close  with  the  earnest 
hope  that  the  succeeding  years  may  be  as  blessed  as  those 
which  are  past, — that  unity,  virtue  and  good-will  may  long 
find  their  abode  within  the  limits  of  the  ancient  town,  and 
that,  even  more  in  the  future  than  in  the  past,  "  may  peace 
be  within  thy  walls  and  prosperity  within  thy  palaces." 


70 


AV^ey  month.    Surnames. 


The  following  lists  contain  the  surnames  common  to  Weymouth 
at  various  periods  between  1635  and  1774 : — 

No.  1  is  taken  from  the  list  of  passengers  who  came  over  with 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Hull  in  1635,  as  found  in  the  N.  E.  Gen.  Reg.,  v.  25, 
p.  12. ' 

No.  2  is  the  record  of  a  land  allotment  made  in  1636  among  a 
portion  of  the  inhabitants. 

No.  3  is  a  similar  record,  made  in  1651. 

No.  4  is  a  record  of  the  number  of  acres  in  each  person's  lot, 
made  in  1663. 

No.  5  is  the  list  of  voters  called  on  the  question  of  adopting  the 
"  Solemn  League  &  Covenant,"  in  1774,  referred  to  on  p.  58. 

The  longest  of  these  lists,  that  of  1663,  contains  sixty-four 
different  surnames,  whereas  there  are  now  five  hundred  and  seventy 
on  the  check-list  of  Weymouth. 

Those  names  in  italics  represent  families  which  do  not  appear  on 
the  present  check-list.  The  numbers  opposite  the  names  in  romaii 
indicate  the  number  of  those  bearing  each  name  now  on  the  check- 
list. It  will  be  noticed  that  in  the  allotment  list  of  1636  are  the 
names  of  Bennet,  Fenner,  Fry,  Hart,  Raiding,  Silvester,  Smith, 
White  and  Wright,  which  are  not  included  in  the  "Hull"  passen- 
ger list  of  1635.  Possibly  it  may  lie  inferred  that  these  were  the 
names  of  settlers  alread}T  on  the  spot  before  1635,  as  Silvester 
and  Hart  certainly  were,  both  of  them  having  taken  the  oath  as 
freemen  in  1634.  Smith,  AVhite,  and  Wright,  in  the  list  of  1636, 
are  among  the  most  common  names  now  found  in  Weymouth,  as 

1  Mr.  J.  W.  Porter,  of  Burlington,  Maim',  wlio  lias  given  much  attention  to  Wey- 
inoutli  genealogy,  very  kindly  calls  my  notice  to  the  fact  that  Hollard  and  Kingman 
were  made  freemen  March  3d,  1635,  and  are  also  included  in  the  list  of  passengers  at 
Weymouth,  England,  on  March  2()th  of  the  same  year.  From  this  he  infers  some- 
thing wrong  in  the  list.  The  explanation  of  this  and  other  interesting  facts  con- 
nected with  the  early  "Weymouth  names  I  must  leave  to  those  who  bear  them,  and 
who  have  more  familiarity  than  I  with  so  difficult  a  class  of  investigation. 


71 


are  Bicknell,  French,  Holbrook,  Lovell,  Pool,  Porter  and  Reed 
among  the  names  on  the  passenger  list  of  1635.  Pratt  and  Bates 
appear  in  1651  ;  the  Burrells,  Shaws,  Vinings  and  Richardses  in 
1663  ;  the  Blanchards,  Cushings,  Louds,  Tirrells  and  Humphreys 
are  found  in  the  list  of  1774,  and  also  appear  in  the  allotment  list 
of  1751,  which  I  have  not  printed. 


No.  1. 

No.  2. 

No. 

3. 

Passenger  List  of 
1635. 

Allotment  of  Land 
in  1636. 

Allotment  of  Land  in  1651. 

1  Adams. 

1  Adams. 

1  Adams. 

2  Newman. 

2  Allen. 

1  Ben  net. 

2  Allen. 

1  Norton. 

Saber. 

Fenner. 

1  Andros. 

Fifty. 

1  Barnard. 

28  French. 

Applegate. 

18  Poole. 

21  Bicknell. 

Fry. 

1  Bailey. 

7  Porter. 

Dible. 

4  Hart. 

1  Barnard. 

68  Pratt. 

28  French. 

Hull. 

44  Bates. 

25  Read. 

Hallett. 

2  Kingman. 

21  Bicknell. 

Eider. 

29  Holbrook. 

13  Lovell. 

Brandin. 

2  Rogers. 

Hollar  d. 

Bawling. 

3  Briggs. 

22  Smith. 

Hull. 

25  Reed. 

Britten. 

Soule. 

Jesop. 

Silvester. 

Butterworth. 

Staple. 

4  Jones. 

36  Smith. 

Byram. 

1  Stone. 

Joyner. 

Upham. 

Charde. 

Streame. 

2  King. 

30  White. 

Doggett. 

Weedon. 

2  Kingman. 

11  Wright. 

28  French. 

5  Whitman. 

Laud. 

Total,  16. 

1  Gurney. 

1  Whitmarsh. 

13  Lovell. 

2  Harding. 

4  Worster. 

Lush. 

2  Harlow. 

Total,  47. 

2  Marty  n. 

2  Harris. 

Persons. 

29  Holbrook. 

18  Poole. 

Howland. 

7  Porter. 

Jeffcry. 

25  Read. 

2  King. 

Tabor. 

2  Kingman. 

Upham. 

Luddan. 

1  Wade. 

2  Martin. 

1  Whitmarsh. 

Morris. 

2  Wood. 

27  Nash. 

Total,  29. 

72 


No. 

4. 

No. 

5. 

he  Number  of  Acres  in  each  Per- 
son's Lot  in  1663. 

Poll  List 

of  1774. 

44  Bates. 

27  Nash. 

1  Arnold. 

27  Nash. 

Bay  ley. 

Newbury. 

Ayrs. 

20  Orcutt. 

Berye. 

2  Osborne. 

Badlam. 

G  Phillips. 

Bicknell. 

Otis. 

7  Bayley. 

Pitty. 

Blake. 

1  Parker. 

44  Bates. 

18  Pool. 

Bolter. 

6  Phillips. 

6  Beals. 

7  Porter. 

3  Briggs. 

Pitty. 

21  Bicknell. 

68  Pratt. 

35  Burrell. 

18  Pool. 

6  Binney. 

25  Reed. 

Burg. 

7  Porter. 

32  Blanchard. 

8  Rice. 

Buttcrworth. 

G8  Pratt. 

35  Burrell. 

22  Richards. 

By  ram. 

Priest. 

4  Canterbury. 

Ripley. 

Charde. 

11  Randall. 

1  Colson. 

2  Rogers. 

Comer. 

3  Reed. 

3  Copeland. 

36  Shaw. 

5  Cook. 

Reynolds. 

50  Gushing. 

22  Smith. 

Down. 

22  Richards. 

11  Derby. 

25  Thayer. 

Drake. 

Roe. 

10  Dyer. 

61  Tirrell. 

10  Dyer. 

2  Rogers. 

Eager. 

25  Torrey. 

8  Ford. 

36  Shaw. 

8  Ford. 

1  Trufant. 

28  French. 

Staple. 

28  French. 

Tufts. 

Fry. 

Streame. 

Goold. 

3  Turner. 

Oilman. 

22  Smith. 

1  Gurney. 

21  Vining. 

G-uppie. 

Snooke. 

29  Holbrook. 

3  Vinson. 

2  Harding. 

2  Taylor. 

19  Hollis. 

1  Wade. 

4  Hart. 

Thacher. 

Hovey. 

1  Ward. 

29  Holbrook. 

8  Thompson. 

8  Humphrey. 

1  Watermao. 

8  Humphrey. 

25  Torrey. 

34  Hunt. 

2  Webb. 

34  Hunt. 

21  Vining. 

Jeffers. 

2  Weston. 

2  King. 

30  White. 

4  Jones. 

30  White. 

2  Kingman. 

5  Whitman. 

13  Joy. 

5  Whitman. 

5  Leach. 

1  Wliitmarsh. 

2  Kingman. 

1  Wliitmarsh. 

13  Lovell. 

Warrens. 

45  Loud. 

4  Williams. 

Luddon. 

Worcn. 

13  Lovell. 

Total 

,64. 

Total,  63. 

APPENDIX 


to 


APPENDI'X 


The  two  hundred  and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  permanent 
settlement  of  Weymouth,  was  celebrated  in  that  town  on 
Saturday,  July  4,  1874,  by  appropriate  observances,  under 
the  direction  of  a  committee  of  its  citizens  appointed  by  the 
town  for  that  purpose. 

The  first  public  act  relating  to  this  celebration  (preceded, 
however,  by  considerable  private  discussion  of  its  desirable- 
ness), was  the  holding  of  a  meeting  to  consider  the  subject, 
by  a  few  citizens,  on  the  evening  of  the  24th  day  of  Sep- 
tember, 1873,  at  which  meeting  Messrs.  ELIAS  S.  BEALS, 
ABNER  P.  NASH  and  JOSEPH  LOUD,  were  appointed  to 
confer  with  the  selectmen  of  Weymouth  in  respect  to 
the  expediency  of  such  celebration  and  the  best  methods 
of  its  accomplishment.  This  conference  resulted  in  the 
submission  of  the  proposition  for  a  celebration,  informally, 
to  the  town,  at  the  close  of  the  balloting  on  the  day  of  the 
annual  November  election  of  that  year,  at  which  meeting  the 
town  appointed  a  Committee  to  take  all  necessary  action  to 
secure  the  holding  of  such  commemorative  services  during 
the  succeeding  year,  and  to  report  to  the  town  at  its  next 
annual  March  meeting.  This  Committee  consisted  of  three 
persons  from  each  ward  in  the  town;  viz.,  Messrs.  JAMES 
HUMPHREY,  ZECHARIAH  L.  BICKNELL,  NOAH  VINING,  ABNER 
HOLBROOK  and  FRANCIS  AMBLER,  Selectmen,  each  represent- 
ing one  ward,  with  Messrs.  ELIAS  S.  BEALS  and  ABNER  P. 
NASH,  from  Ward  One  (North  Weymouth)  ;  LOVELL  BICK- 
NELL and  MARSHALL  C.  DIZER,  from  Ward  Two  (East  Wey- 
mouth) ;  ELIAS  RICHARDS  and  E.  ATHERTON  HUNT,  from 
Ward  Three  (Weymouth  Landing)  ;  DAVID  S.  MURRAY  and 
WILLIAM  DYER,  from  Ward  Four  (the  northerly  part  of  the 
South  Parish),  and  JAMES  L.  BATES  and  CHARLES  C.  TOWER, 
from  Ward  Five  (the  southerly  part  of  the  South  Parish). 
This  Committee  unanimously  invited  CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS, 


76 

Jr.,  Esq.,  of  Quincy — a  great-grandson  of  ABIGAIL  (SMITH) 
ADAMS,  a  native  of  Wey mouth — to  deliver  the  address  upon 
the  occasion  of  such  celebration,  and  this  invitation  was 
accepted. 

At  the  annual  March  meeting  the  subject  of  the  celebration 
was  formally  brought  before  the  town,  by  an  article  in  the 
warrant,  as  follows  : — 

"  To  see  what  action  the  town  will  take  in  regard  to  the  proposed 
Celebration  of  the  two  hundred  and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  settle- 
ment of  Weymouth  ;  and  if  it  shall  be  deemed  expedient,  to  appoint 
and  instruct  all  committees,  and  to  raise  and  appropriate  all  sums  of 
money  deemed  necessary  to  carry  into  effect  the  wishes  of  the  town 
upon  that  subject." 

Under  this  article  the  town  re-appointed  the  above-named 
Committee  of  fifteen,  AUGUSTUS  J.  RICHARDS,  Esq.,  however, 
taking  the  place  of  FRANCIS  AMBLER,  Esq.,  upon  the  Board 
of  Selectmen,  and  ex  officio,  as  a  member  of  that  Committee  ; 
and  it  fully  empowered  them  to  make  all  necessary  arrange- 
ments for  the  proposed  celebration. 

This  Committee  cheerfully  accepted  the  positions  thus 
assigned  them,  entering  earnestly  upon  the  performance  of 
their  duties  in  that  capacity ;  and  although  the  labor  required 
for  their  discharge  far  exceeded  the  anticipations  of  the  Commit- 
tee, yet  all,  with  filial  zeal,  gave  to  the  undertaking  the  time 
and  effort  which  seemed  necessary  to  make  the  Celebration  a 
worthy  commemoration  of  the  virtues  of  their  honorable 
ancestry. 

The  exact  date  of  the  first  permanent  settlement  in  Wey- 
mouth not  having  been  fixed,  it  was  agreed  to  hold  the  Cele- 
bration on  the  Fourth  Day  of  July,  A.  D.  1874,  and  that  the 
memorial  services  should  be  held  upon  the  summit  of  King 
Oak  Hill,  an  easily  accessible  and  sightly  eminence  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  spot  first  settled. 

The  efforts  of  the  Committee  were  heartily  seconded  by  the 
citizens  of  the  town — both  ladies  and  gentlemen — all  lending 
their  influence  and  aid  in  favor  of  the  undertaking.  To  the 
liberal  contributions  of  the  ladies,  the  Committee  were  largely 
indebted  for  the  very  creditable  appearance  of  the  tables  spread 
for  the  collation  on  the  day  of  the  Celebration,  and  to  their 


77 

influence  in  large  measure,  was  due  the  presence  in  the  pro- 
cession on  that  occasion,  of  so  goodly  a  number  of  the  pupils 
from  the  public  schools.  The  cordial  cooperation  of  the  various 
social,  charitable  and  patriotic  associations  of  the  town  in  carry- 
ing out  the  arrangements  for  the  procession,  materially  added 
to  the  interest  and- pleasure  of  the  Celebration  ;  and  all,  from  the 
oldest  to  the  youngest  by  their  sympathy  and  presence,  helped 
to  make  the  anniversary  memorable. 

The  day  was  favorable,  being  cloudy  during  the  forenoon, 
and  less  sultry  than  usual. 

In  response  to  invitations  from  the  Committee,  a  very  con- 
siderable body  of  distinguished  citizens  from  other  parts  of 
the  Commonwealth,  of  former  residents,  and  of  descendants 
of  residents  of  the  town,  assembled  at  the  Old  North  Church, 
to  join  with  the  citizens  of  the  town  in  this  celebration, — the 
Common,  near  this  church,  having  been  designated  as  the  place 
for  forming  the  procession,  which,  under  the  direction  of 
chief  marshal  Captain  ANDREW  J.  GAREY,  aided  by  assistant 
marshals  Captain  CHARLES  W.  HASTINGS,  ZECHAEIAH  L. 
BICKXELL,  J.  MURRAY  WHITCOMB,  JOSHUA  RINXEY,  JOSEPH 
W.  ARMINGTON  and  JOSIAH  N.  PRATT,  Esquires,  at  12  o'clock, 
noon,  commenced  its  march  in  the  following  order  : — 

Chief  Marshal. 

Stetson's  Weymouth  Band. 

Reynolds  Post  38,  G.  A.  R.,  110  men,  under  command  of  General 

JAMES  L.  BATES. 

Invited  Guests,  in  carriages. 

South  Shore  Commandery  Knights  Templars,  GEORGE  W.  FAY,  E.  C., 

GO  men. 
Orphan's  Hope  Lodge,  F.  &  A.  M.,  75  men. 

Delta  Lodge,  F.  &  A.  M.,  43  men. 
Crescent  Lodge,  I.  O.  of  O.  F.,  35  men. 

Delphi  Lodge,  K.  of  P.,  40  men, 
Mechanic's  Temple  of  Honor,  85  men. 

Bowies'  South  Abington  Band. 
Conqueror  Engine  Company,  42  men,  with  engine. 

Amazon  Engine  Company,  40  men. 
Catholic  Total  Abstinence  and  Literaiy  Association,  of  E.  Wej-mouth, 

40  men. 

Johnston's  Band. 

Star  of  Promise  Section  5,  Cadets  of  Honor  and  Temperance. 
Children  of  Public  Schools,  numbering  about  700  hundred. 


78 

Its  route  was  over  Church  and  Commercial  Streets,  and  the 
carriage-way  through  the  estate  of  Miss  SELIMA  WILDES,  to  the 
summit  of  King  Oak  Hill,  where  a  collation  was  provided  for 
the  procession  and  their  ladies,  and  the  citizens  of  the  town, — 
twenty-five  hundred  adults  being  seated  at  the  tables  under 
Yale's  mammoth  pavilion,  and  seven  hundred  pupils  of  the 
public  schools  enjoying  a  picnic  lunch  under  a  smaller  tent. 

Hon.  JAMES  HUMPHREY  acted  as  President  of  the  day,  and 
Rev.  FRANKLIN  P.  CHAPIN,  pastor  of  the  First  Church  in  Wey- 
mouth,  invoked  the  divine  blessing. 

At  the  close  of  the  collation,  a  select  choir,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Mr.  ALPHEUS  BATES,  sung  the  following  original  song, 
composed  by  FRANCIS  M.  ADLIXGTOX,  Esq.,  of  Weymouth : 

Our  Father's  Trump  is  ringing, 
And  on  the  wind  is  winging 
Their  Heav'n-wrought  DECLARATION 
That  made  of  us  a  nation. 

Huzza !  huzza !  from  sea  to  sea 
Rejoice,  rejoice  that  all  are  free. 

The  Rights  which  we  inherit 
Shall  ne'er,  by  our  demerit, 
Be  lost  to  our  descendants  ; 
Their  birthright's  INDEPENDENCE. 
Huzza !  huzza !  from  sea  to  sea 
Rejoice,  rejoice  that  all  are  free. 

May  all,  of  every  station, 

Who  form  this  favor'd  nation, 
With  jealous  care  endeavor 
To  guard  their  rights  forever. 
Huzza !  huzza  !  from  sea  to  sea 
Rejoice,  rejoice  that  all  are  free. 

After  which  the  President  of  the  day  delivered  the  opening 
address,  as  follows  : — 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — No  one  regrets  more  deeply  than  my- 
self the  circumstances  which  have  devolved  upon  me  the  duty  of 
presiding  over  this  great  assembly,  in  the  place  of  the  distinguished 
gentleman,  who,  had  his  health  permitted,  would  have  filled  this 
position  with  a  grace  and  dignity  honorable  to  our  ancient  town  ; 
and  [  can  in  no  way  better  prove  my  sincerity  in  this  regard  than 
by  refraining  to  tax  your  indulgent  attention  by  any  attempt  at  a 
formal  address,  and  by  hastening  to  bring  before  you  the  rich  intel- 


79 

lectual  entertainment,  which  I  know  you  all,  with  good  reason, 
eagerly  anticipate.  But,  as  the  representative  of  Weymouth,  I 
must  not  omit  a  ivord  of  introduction  and  of  welcome. 

The  occasion  of  this  meeting  is  one  full  of  interest  to  all  our 
citizens  ;  and  it  also — as  we  are  assured  by  the  presence  of  this 
large  and  distinguished  company  of  our  guests — commends  itself  to 
the  good  judgment  of  those  eminent  for  their  abilities  and  virtues, 
whose  sentiments  are  not  on  this  occasion  affected  by  the  influences 
which  ever  emanate  from  the  sacred  spot  we  call  Home. 

We  meet  to-day  to  do  homage  to  the  memory  of  those  heroic 
souls,  who,  amid  toils  and  privations  and  dangers  well  nigh  without 
parallel,  and  with  more  than  human  foresight  and  energy,  founded 
upon  the  principles  of  eternal  justice  and  absolute  right  those  noble 
institutions  which  are,  even  now,  the  admiration  of  the  world,  and 
which  have  secured  to  us,  beyond  the  peril  of  loss,  if  we  rightly 
prize  their  possession,  our  heritage  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
but  which,  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  are  to  be  upheld  and  vindi- 
cated only  by  a  virtuous  and  educated  people.  How  more  fitly  can 
we  give  expression  to  the  reverent  emotions  of  our  grateful  hearts 
toward  those  noble  men  and  women  who  (to  borrow  the  words  of 
an  eminent  statesman,  applied  to  our  revolutionary  ancestors) 
"were  willing  themselves  to  endure  the  toil  and  incur  the  hazard, 
that  we  and  our  descendants,  their  posterity,  might  reap  the  harvest 
and  enjoy  the  increase,"  than  by  this  festal  gathering  on  the  natal 
day  of  the  glorious  nation  their  labors  so  largely  contributed  to  es- 
tablish ;  here  to  recount  their  deeds  of  heroism  and  sacrifice  ;  to 
study  for  ourselves  the  lesson  of  their  lives,  and  to  teach  it  to  our 
children, — the  lesson  of  supreme  devotion  to  duty,  heedless  alike 
of  transitory  interests  and  of  human  commands, — obedient  onl}'  to 
conscience  and  to  God. 

In  this  spirit  we  celebrate  our  anniversary  ;  in  this  spirit  we  joy- 
ously welcome  you,  our  honored  guests.  Whether  now  returning  to 
your  native  soil, — to  your  ancestral  homes, — or  whether,  by  your 
own  choice,  your  lot  has  heretofore  been  cast  with  ours,  we,  with 
fraternal  hearts,  welcome  you  back  to  these  pleasant  scenes,  and  to 
an  equal  participation  with  our  most  favored  citizens  in  all  the 
rights  and  privileges,  the  duties  and  the  honors,  of  this  memorial 
day.  But  especially,  we  would  tender  our  most  cordial  thanks  to 
those,  eminent  in  public  and  in  private  life,  who,  being  attracted 
neither  by  the  claims  of  former  residence  or  of  nativity  within  her 
borders,  have  kindly  responded  to  our  invitation  by  their  presence 
and  sympathy  on  this  birthday  festival  of  our  Alma  Mater.  And 
to  all  from  abroad,  whether  neighbors  or  strangers,  distinguished  or 
unknown  to  fame,  we  extend  our  hearty  greeting  and  welcome. 


80 


But,  fellow-citizens,  to  us,  mainly,  is  committed  the  duty  — 
not  rather  sa}r  the  high  privilege  —  of  cherishing,  with  a  jealous  care, 
—  of  defending,  perpetuating,  magnifying,  the  honor  and  fair  fame 
which  are  the  chiefest  jewels  in  the  ooronet  of  our  venerable  town. 
If  by  the  observances  of  this  da\'  we  shall  be  stimulated  to  new  en- 
deavors, and  strengthened  for  renewed  efforts  to  discharge  worthily 
the  exalted  trust  which,  by  the  favor  of  a  kind  Providence  and  the 
labors  of  an  honest  ancestiy,  have  been  confided  to  our  keeping, 
then  it  shall  not  be  in  vain  that  we  celebrate,  to-day,  the  two  hun- 
dred and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  settlement  of  Weymouth. 

Prayer  was  then  offered  by  Rev.  ELBHIDGE  P.  McELiiov, 
pastor  of  the  First  Congregational  Church  in  East  Weymouth, 
and  the  following  hymn,  composed  for  the  occasion,  by  GIL- 
BERT NASH,  Esq.,  a  native  of  Weymouth,  was  sung  by  the 
choir  :  — 

Five  times  have  fifty  years, 
Joy-crowned  or  sad  with  tears, 

Fled  swift  away, 
Since  yonder  ocean  bore  • 
Our  fathers  to  this  shore, 
Where,  honor  we  once  more, 

That  natal  day. 

They  found  a  desert  here, 
And  shared  their  homely  cheer 

In  the  wild  waste. 
Their  toil,  through  faith  and  prayer, 
Made  it  a  garden  fair; 
And  we,  their  names  who  bear, 

Its  fruitage  taste. 

No  pile,  in  stately  grace, 
Stands  forth  to  mark  the  place 

Where  first  they  trod  ; 
But  yon  old  church-tower's  bell,  — 
Yon  school,  by  mem'ry's  spell, 
These  living  hearts,  may  well 

Point  out  the  sod. 

Small  need  of  monument 
To  speak  the  name  they  lent 

To  this  dear  spot, 
If  their  unsullied  fame, 
Their  scorn  of  wrong  and  shame.  — 
If  each  home-altar  ilame 

Proclaim  il  not. 


81 

Brave  deed  and  word  sincere 
Their  worthy  record  bear 

In  lines  more  sure — 
Faithful  in  every  trust, 
In  act  and  purpose  just ; — 
We  honor  most  their  dust 

By  lives  as  pure. 

Thanks  for  those  noble  sires  ! 
Thanks  for  their  altar  fires ! 

God's  precious  gifts ! 
Now  let  the  praises  sound 
That  in  our  hearts  abound, 
Till  heaven's  bltfe  vault  profound, 

The  chorus  lifts. 


After  the  reading  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  by 
Mr.  EDWARD  BICKNELL,  an  undergraduate  of  Harvard  Univer- 
sity, the  principal  address  of  the  occasion  was  delivered  by 
CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS,  Jr.,  Esq.,  who,  by  his  animated 
delivery  and  felicitous  treatment  of  his  theme,  held  the  undi- 
vided attention  of  his  large  audience  until  the  close  of  this 
admirable  address.  Upon  its  conclusion,  the  Hon.  CHARLES 
FRANCIS  ADAMS,  Sr.,  was  called  upon  by  the  President  of  the 
day,  and  briefly  responded  in  a  humorous  speech.  He  said  that 
it  was  not  customary  at  select  entertainments  to  have  a  repeti- 
tion of  any  one  dish,  and  that  he  thought  they  had  been  treated 
to  a  pretty  large  dish  of  the  Adamses:  He  would  therefore 
only  consent  to  appear  in  the  shape  of  a  sauce.  He  was  much 
impressed  by  the  beauty  of  the  prospect  from  the  hill  on 
which  they  were  assembled,  and  had  felt  ashamed  to  confess 
that  he  had  never  before  been  upon  it,  although  for  many 
years  living  near  it.  It  was  some  relief,  however,  to  be 
informed  that  one  of  the  oldest  citizens  of  "VVey mouth  had 
that  day  made  the  ascent  for  the  first  time.  Alluding  to  the 
historical  fact  that  President  JOHN  ADA^IS,  when  a  young 
man,  had  come  to  Wey mouth  for  a  wife,  the  speaker  face- 
tiously remarked  that  if  this  event  had  not  happened,  neither 
of  the  Adamses — father  nor  sou — would  very  likely  have  been 
there  at  that  time.  Referring  to  the  address  of  his  son,  he 
disputed  the  statement  that  THOMAS  MORTON,  of  unsavory 
memory,  was  the  first  settler  of  Quincy  ;  alleging  that  he  was 
11 


82 

only  a  carpet-bagger  after  the  modern  model,  and  came  there 
to  make  use  of  the  Indians  for  his  own  private  ends. 

The  following  original  hymn,  written  by  Rev.  GEORGE  F. 
STANTOX,  pastor  of  the  Old  South  Congregational  Church  in 
Weyinouth,  was  sung  by  the  choir,  the.audience  joining,  to 
the  familiar  strains  of  Auld  Lang  Syne  : — 

Scarce  had  the  Mayflower's  noble  band, 

On  Plymouth's  sterile  shore, 
Upreared  their  altars  and  their  homes, 

Their  stormy  wand'rings  o'er ; 
When,  lo,  on  Wessagussefr's  hills 

The  answering  beacons  shine, 
Where  other  pilgrim-souls  have  found 

Fair  Freedom's  sacred  shrine. 

Whate'er  their  hopes  or  aims  or  fears, 

As  first  these  fields  the}'  trod  ; 
They  brought,  as  did  our  Plymouth  sires, 

Trust  in  the  living  God. 
Faith,  Freedom,  Knowledge,  these  they  sought, 

Our  blessings  of  to-day, 
A  heritage,  increasing  still, 

As  ages  roll  away. 

Two  centuries  and  a  half  have  reaped 

The  harvest  they  have  sown  ; 
And  nobler  sheaves  are  ripening  still, 

For  coming  reapers  grown. 
God  owned  the  faith  which  honored  Him ; 

His  blessings,  rich  and  rare, 
Have  never  i'ailed,  and  all  our  homes 

Their  glorious  fulness  share. 

We  trace  the  long,  long  ages  back  ; 

They  glow  with  light  divine  ; 
God's  love  illumed  them,  and  we  pray 

May  ever  round  us  shine. 
Ten  thousand  hearts  rejoice  to-day, 

And  praise  his  guiding  grace, 
That  gave  our  fathers  these  fair  fields, 

This  blest  abiding  place. 

EVERETT  C.  Bmirus,  Esq.,  was  then  announced  as  the 
Toast-Master  of  the  occasion,  and  proposed  as  the  first  regular 
toast,— "The  President  of  the  United  States,"  and  called  upon 


83 

Hon.  BENJAMIN  W.  HARRIS,  the  representative  in  Congress 
from  the  second  Massachusetts  district,  who  responded  as 
follows  : — 

MR.  PRESIDENT,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — 

If  the  President  of  the  United  States  were  personal^  present  to 
respond  to  the  sentiment  in  his  honor  just  proposed,  his  speech 
would  possess,  I  have  no  doubt, — judging  from  his  well-known  most 
excellent  habit, — among  its  many  other  excellences,  that  of  brevity. 
In  making  response,  in  his  absence,  I  shall  strive  for  that  same 
virtue. 

In  thanking  you  for  the  compliment  intended  to  be  conveyed,  he 
would,  I  am  sure,  with  characteristic  modesty,  decline  to  appropri- 
ate the  honor  of  it,  as  wholly  personal,  to  himself,  but  would  ac- 
cept it  as  due,  in  part,  to  the  great  office  which  he  has  been  called, 
by  the  voice  of  the  nation,  temporarily  to  fill. 

That  we  owe  him  hearty  thanks  and  high  honors  for  difficult  and 
valuable  service  rendered  to  the  nation  as  chief  magistrate,  is  most 
true  ;  and  this  public  acknowledgment  of  our  obligation  is  sponta- 
neous and  sincere. 

But  we  can  not  and  need  not  disguise  the  truth,  that  the  highest 
honors  which  impartial  histoiy  will  assign  to  U.  S.  GRANT  will  be 
those  earned  by  him  as  a  great  military  leader  of  his  time  and 
country. 

We  heard,  to-day,  from  our  eloquent  orator,  the  story  of  MILES 
STANDISII'S  victory,  won  here  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago  :  how 
he  came  up  from  Plymouth  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  eight  men,  on 
the  first  military  expedition  of  the  infant  colony  ;  and  how,  at  the 
foot  of  this  hill,  he  performed  deeds  of  heroic  valor,  which  have 
become  a  part  of  the  histor}-  of  our  country,  and  which  will  never 
be  forgotten.  Though  he  commanded  a  small  arm}',  and  exercised 
power  over  a  veiy  limited  extent  of  country,  yet  the  act  which  he 
performed  was  great,  and  its  results  will  be  felt  during  all  the  ages 
of  his  country's  history,  and  entitles  him  to  an  honorable  rank 
among  military  men. 

To  be  sure,  the  settlement  which  he  found  here. was,  for  the  time, 
quite  destined  and  stamped  out  in  his  ever  memorable  campaign  ; 
but  he  was  engaged  in  a  war  having  for  its  object  the  salvation  of 
the  colony,  which  this  ill-starred  settlement  seemed  to  him  to  en- 
danger ;  and  the  results  which  followed  have  full}'  justified  his 
seemingly  impetuous  and  fiery  acts,  and  prove  him  to  have  been  a 
far-seeing  and  prudent  leader.  He  taught  a  treacherous  and  wily 
foe  that,  "  though  he  was  a  little  man  he  was  a  great  captain,"  and 


84 

that,  in  defence  of  his  home  and  countiy,  he  was  invincible.  Since 
his  da}*,  the  country  which  he  helped  to  found  has  widened  and  ex- 
panded from  a  feeble  settlement  by  the  shore,  upon  the  outer  margin 
of  an  unknown  continent,  to  an  empire  stretching  from  sea  to  sea, 
and  embracing  within  its  protecting  power  forty  millions  of  people. 

General  GHANT,  whom  we  seek  to  honor  by  the  proposed  toast, 
moved  by  the  same  patriotic  love  of  country  which  inspired  the 
heart  of  MILES  STANDISH,  indeed  led  greater  armies  and  won 
grander  victories,  and  his  name  will  justly  .descend  to  future  times 
as  his  country's  great  deliverer ;  and  }-et  we  may  well  doubt  to 
which  of  the  two  men  future  time  will  assign  the  higher  place  in  the 
Temple  of  Fame. 

Captain  STANDISH  and  General  GRANT  !  The  great  military  men 
of  their  times  ;  they  served  the  same  country, — the  former  saved  it 
from  destruction  in  the  feebleness  of  its  founding ;  the  latter  de- 
fended it  from  impending  anarchy  and  dismemberment  in  its  matu- 
rity and  strength.  They  are  entitled  to  equal  honors  on  a  day  like 
this. 

In  response  to  the  next  regular  toast, — "  The  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts — the  honored  whole  of  which  we  are 
proud  to  be  a  part,"  Hon.  SETII  TURNER,  Executive  Council- 
lor from  the  Second  District,  spoke  as  follows  ; — 

MR.  PRESIDENT,  AND  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — 

When  your  Toast-Master  issued  his  call  for  a  response  to  the 
sentiment  in  honor  of  Massachusetts,  he  may  have  fancied  his 
authority  the  same  as  when  presiding  with  usual  grace  upon  his 
throne  of  the  East  Norfolk  District ;  but  let  him  beware,  for-the 
body  that  made  him  can  unmake,  and  he  must  remember  the  powers 
of  the  Executive.  Seriously,  Mr.  President,  you  must  receive  a  pro- 
test for  this  summary  method  of  the  Judge  ;  for  soon  after  coming 
upon  this  "  King-Oak  Hill."  he  ranged  through  the  spacious  tent 
in  search  of  His  Honor  Lieut-Gov.  Talbot,  and  failing  in  his  effort, 
set  upon  the  trio  of  state  officials  present,  commanding  words  when 
he  should  call  for  them.  My  appeals  to  the  veteran  Treasurer 
(Adams)  and  faithful  Auditor  (Endicott)  to  meet  the  occasion 
were  in  vain,  and  the}'  coolly,  like  war-worn  heroes,  thrust  the  raw 
recruit  to  the  front,  and  compelled  the  Councillor  of  the  Second 
District  to  answer,  for  the  first  time  in  eighteen  months'  service,  for 
the  old  Commonwealth,  in  the  absence  of  the  Executive. 

It  is  your  misfortune,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  as  well  as  I  fear  no 
little  mortification  to  me,  that  Gov.  Talbot  is  not  here  to  speak  for 


85 

himself.  Were  he  here,  I  well  know  how  sincerely  he  would  assure 
j'ou  of  the  interest  our  old  dear  mother  State  takes  in  all  her  muni- 
cipalities ;  how  watchful  she  is  in  her  measures  for  the  health,  hap- 
piness and  prosperity  of  all  her  citizens.  His  Honor  would  claim 
his  hearty  purpose  to  so  administer  the  duties  of  his  office  as  to 
promote  the  weal  of  the  teeming  population  within  the  reach  of  his 
sceptre ;  and  I  will  assure  this  vast  audience  of  the  integrity  and 
firmness  of  this  man  who  has  come  up  from  the  humble  walks  of  a 
life  of  labor  to  occupy  with  honor  to  himself  the  highest  position 
within  the  gift  of  the  state  constituency.  In  this  post  of  promi- 
nence he  does  not  forget  the  wants  of  our  humblest  citizens ; 
and  you  will  let  me  illustrate  his  fresh  recollection  of  earlier  and 
obscure  days,  when  a  humble  but  faithful  factory  operative.  In  a 
recent  visit  made  by  him  and  his  council  to  the  scene  of  that  un- 
equalled and  terrible  disaster  of  the  Mill  River  flood,  with  all  the 
cares  and  anxieties  incident  to  that  desolated  valley,  he  sought  out 
a  long-gone  fellow  operative,  and  lightened  the  humble  and  sad- 
dened home  by  his  presence  and  words  of  kindness.  The  incident 
I  relate  as  one  heart-mark  of  the  thoughtfulness  of  the  Executive 
for  his  constituents-  and  friends.  It  is  a  matter  of  no  little  .per- 
sonal regret  that,  beyond  the  satisfaction  it  would  give  this  pres- 
ence, it  could  not  be  the  pleasure  of  Gov.  Talbot  to  listen  to  the 
able  and  eloquent  address  of  the  distinguished  orator  of  the  day, 
replete  as  it  was  with  not  only  the  local  affairs  of  the  old  town  of 
Weymouth,  but  also  the  man}'  incidents  connecting  it  with  the 
earh-  histoiy  of  Plymouth  Colon}-.  I  would,  too,  have  had  him 
look  upon  the  beauties  of  the  place,  for  I  know  that  when  but  a 
few  days  since,  on  the  anniversary  of  a  memorable  Revolutionary 
day,  as  the  citizens  of  your  adjoining  old  town  of  Braintree  marked 
its  return  by  the  dedication  of  artistic  and  enduring  granite  to  the 
memory  of  her  brave  sons  fallen  in  the  successful  strife  to  preserve 
our  nation's  unity,  he  was  enthusiastic  in  his  admiration  of  this 
section  of  the  State  with  which,  before,  comparatively  unfamiliar. 
And  to-day;  could  I  have  taken  him  to  your  town  by  first  leav- 
ing the  Old  Colony  line  on  your  southern  border,  touching  per- 
chance the  paths  where  brave  old  Miles  Standish  and  the  erratic 
Morton  may  have  walked  in  early  forests,  gathering  the  beauties  of 
a  scene  rarely  surpassed,  covered  now  indeed  by  the  active  indus- 
tries of  that  section  ;  then  skirting  your  lines  through  old  Braintree 
and  "  her  children  three,"  until  the  picture  bursts  upon  the  eye 
where  on  the  amphitheatre  brow  of  East  Braiutrec  you  see  the  Mon- 
atiquot  expanding  into  the  broad  Fore  River,  and  ribboned  upon 
the  landscape  at  your  feet  and  passing  to  the  sea  by  the  Point,  with 
Old  Spain  (the  first  settler's  home)  nestling  in  the  distance,  his  eye 


86 

would  be  filled  by  the  sight.  And  then  only  await  the  enthusiasm, 
crowning  all,  as  he  should  reach  the  brow  of  this  "  King  Oak  Hill," 
where  are  presented  in  the  distance  Nantasket's  pride  and  Cohas- 
set's  ragged  shores,  with  Hingham's  beauties  in  rolling  hills  and 
ample  plains,  while  far  awa}-  the  vision  gathers  the  ever-enlarging 
metropolis  and  inland  towns,  the  bold  outlines  of  the  Blue  Hills  in 
lovely  contrast  with  the  ocean's  broad  expanse  in  the  other  distance. 
This  view,  so  grand  and  beautiful,  would  extort  renewed  admira- 
tion of  a  South  Shore  town  and  make  any  governor  proud  of  such  a 
spot  as  Weymouth.  I  regret,  again,  the  absence  of  the  one  you 
would  honor  on  this  nation's  holiday  and  most  interesting  town  an- 
niversary, and  am  more  sorry  than  I  can  express  for  the  inability  of 
your  councillor  to  do  justice  to  the  sentiment  offered.  Your  audience 
may  be  wearied,  but  I  cannot  refrain  from  speaking  of  the  double 
interest  of  this  occasion ;  for  to  me,  personal!}',  this  old  town  has 
been  the  stamping  ground  of  my  childhood  and  earlier  boyhood.  I 
claim  the  interest  of  a  son  in  it,  and  have  known  its  hills  and  val- 
leys, shores,  marshes  and  rivers,  and  roamed  them  with  that  love 
childhood  and  youth  only  can  know,  and  to-day  the  grand  old  town 
is  spread  before  us  with  charms  of  engaging  interest.  Sh'all  I  not, 
then,  Mr.  President,  rank  to-day  rather  as  of  Weymouth  origin  than 
of  official  position  ?  Let  me  answer  by  my  own  story  :  Something 
more  that  half  a  century  since,  there  came  quite  often  from  neigh- 
boring Randolph  a  "  Royal"  visitor,  and,  though  it  has  never  been 
hinted  (as  tradition  tells  our  orator's  ancestor's  humorous  story) 
that  he  came  either  eating  or  drinking  or  was  suspected  of  having  a 
devil,  yet  he  did,  from  the  house  still  on  the  banks  of  u  Fore  River," 
capture  a  "  white"  girl  of  tender  years  and  carried  her  to  his  home, 
where,  until  she  had  passed  the  "  threescore  and  ten,"  she  was 
loved  and  honored  by  all  who  knew  her.  I  cannot  trust  myself 
farther.  Many  here  knew  her,  and  as  a  loving  son. I  bless  old  Wey- 
mouth for  that  mother.  In  yonder  cemetery's  rounding  hills  moulder 
the  ashes  of  my  maternal  ancestors,  and  to  the  number  was  added, 
but  three  years  since,  one  well-remembered  by  many  here  to-day, 
.who,  had  she  lived  another  year  from  this,  would  have  reached  her 
own  centennial.  What  a  story  of  early  and  modern  Weymouth 
could  she  have  told  !  AVith  such  memories  can  I  not  be  indulged  in 
lengthy  ardor  to-day  ?  Let  me  continue  by  saying  that  in  the  old 
churches,  present  and  past,  at  the  foot  of  this  "  hill,"  have  I  listened, 
many  a  Sabbath,  to  the  words  of  those  good  men, — Emery,  Phillips 
and  Bent, — and  can  well  remember  the  last-named  as  he  preached 
in  the  oldest  structure  vivid  in  my  mind,  with  its  square  empanelled, 
pine  box-pews,  and  the  more  notable  sounding-board  which,  to  my 
childish  gaze,  seemed  ever  read}*  to  fall  and  crush  the  man  of  God 


87 

below  it.  Suppress,  Mr.  Toast-Master,  that  incredulous  smile,  for  I 
declare  before  your  "court"  present,  I  began  attending  church 
early  and  continued  it  often,  doubt  as  your  judgeship  may  why  so 
few  good  results  have  followed.  A  picture  of  the  exterior  and 
especialty  of  the  interior  of  that  old  church  should,  if  possible,  ac- 
company the  memorial  volume  of  this  occasion.  I  should  like  to 
speak  of  the  familiar  faces  of  my  boyhood,  better  known  of  course 
to  many  of  this  presence,  of  the  Tufts,  the  Humphreys,  Bateses, 
Nashes,  Tirrells,  Louds,  Frenches,  Whites,  Wildes  and  Webbs,  and 
hosts  of  others,  but  have  tasked  your  patience  quite  too  long.  Beg- 
ging your  forbearance  for  my  crude  and  desultory  words,  let  me 
again  congratulate  3-011  upon  the  successful  observance  of  our  na- 
tion's holiday  and  the  happy  results  of  all  your  efforts  to  honor  the 
two  hundred  and  fiftieth  return  of  Wessagussett's  birth-da}-* 

The  following  sentiment  was  then  proposed, — "The  County 
of  Norfolk  :  though  shorn  of  many  of  her  fair  proportions,  she 
is  still  full  of  vigor  and  promise  of  length  of  days." 

Hon.  NATHANIEL  F.  SAFFORD,  Chairman  of  the  County 
Commissioners,  made  this  response  : — 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  —  As  was  said  in  Europe  that  all  roads  lead  to 
Rome,  so,  in  our  County  of  Norfolk,  all  thoughts  and  memories 
seem  centering  here,  in  old  Weymouth,  to-day.  It  is  said  that  at 
Cintra,  the  native  of  whatever  country  recognizes  some  scenes  of 
the  father  land.  And  so  it  is,  when  we  gather  on  these  oft-recurring 
anniversaries  of  the  incorporation  or  settlement  of  these  rural  homes 
of  the  fathers  of  New  England,  whichsoever  we  revisit,  we  find  the 
traditions  of  a  kindred  past,  the  associations  of  a  common  history, 
one  single  tongue,-  one  language  all  can  understand,  that  tells  of  the 
old  town,  the  venerable  meeting-house,  the  burial  ground,  the  village 
school,  the  narrow  lane,  the  rustic  hedge  or  the  "old  oaken  bucket 
that  hangs  in  the  well." 

Though  the  date  of  the  incorporation  of  the  county  may  be  within 
the  fading  memory  of  a  remnant  of  living  men,  yet  the  ancient  pre- 
cincts of  which  the  county  is  composed  date  their  settlement  among 
the  earliest  in  the  State.  If  I  am  right,  Weymouth.  1624  ;  Brain- 
tree,  Wollaston,  1625  ;  Dorchester  (some  portion  of  which  has  re- 
cently rejoined  Suffolk),  1630  ;  Dedham,  1635  :  which  I  believe  em- 
brace substantially  the  present  territorial  limits  of  the  county,  not 
forgetting  Brookline,  originally  a  part  of  Boston,  and  Cohasset,  a 
part  of  the  ancient  Hingham. 


88 

How  truly  have  these  old  precincts,  in  the  varied  vicissitudes  of 
New  England  history,  in  stability  of  public  judgment,  in  firm  resolve 
and  patriotic  devotion,  proved  themselves  worthy  of  their  time-hal- 
lowed traditions. 

For  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  though  ofttimes  called  to  scenes 
of  conflict,  to  defend  their  dwellings  against  the  merciless  savage  in 
the  blood}7  scenes  of  Indian  warfare,  in  the  French  war,  in  the  long 
and  fearful  agon}'  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  in  the  second  war  of 
independence,  till  the  last  great  conflict  when  the  thunders  of  Gettys- 
burg reverberated  around  the  world,  yet  during  all  that  period,  no 
hostile  cannon,  engaged  in  military  or  civil  strife  among  themselves, 
have  ever'  traversed  these  quiet  roads  ;  —  ever  ready  and  valiant  to 
defend  their  rights  upon  any  other  lield,  they  have  always  united 
among  themselves,  to  illustrate  in  their  municipal  and  local  history, 
the  maxim  which  enjoins  peace  on  earth  and  good-will  to  men. 

Their  first  centennial  found  them  still  surrounded  with  circum- 
stances of  peril.  On  the  frontiers  were  threatenings  of  French  and 
Indian  wars  ;  even  before  that  period,  it  had  been  complained  that 
the  people  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  governor  and  not  to  the 
king.  In  the  stern  experience  of  colonial  times,  they  stood  unmoved 
in  their  opposition  to  the  partisans  of  the  crown,  and  in  resistance 
to  the  lawless  acts  of  provincial  governors. 

So,  also,  on  a  succeeding  anniversary,  one  hundred  years  ago  this 
day,  were  foreshadowed  to  them  the  opening  scenes  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary struggle.  One  hundred  years  ago  this  day,  the  committee 
of  fifty-one  in  New  York  determined  that  delegates  be  chosen  to  the 
general  congress.  As  I  left  my  home  this  morning,  I  passed  upon 
the  right,  in  our  town  of  Milton,  the  site  of  the  old  mansion  of  Hutch- 
inson,  which,  in  May,  1774,  had  become  an  uncomfortable  residence 
for  a  royal  governor,  and  at  the  declivity  of  the  same  Milton  Hill, 
within  the  present  limits  of  Norfolk,  I  looked  upon  another  venera- 
ble mansion,  the  stars  and  stripes  of  the  republic,  unsevered,  floating 
over  it  to-day,  where  were  adopted  the  memorable  Suffolk  Resolves, 
of  which  county  these  precincts  then  formed  a  part.  Those  resolves 
were  the  manifesto  of  the  "County  Congress"  first  held  at  Stough- 
ton  ;  then  at  Dedham,  where' sixty  delegates  represented  every  town 
in  the  county,  notwithstanding  the  regulating  Act  of  Parliament  had 
prohibited  town  meetings  ;  then  by  adjournment  at  Milton,  on  9th  of 
September,  1774.  The  resolves  were  reported  by  Gen.  Joseph  War- 
ren, who,  within  one  year  after,  fell  a  martyr  at  Bunker  Hill.  They 
were  several  times  read,  paragraph  by  paragraph,  and  unanimously 
adopted  ;  and  when,  a  few  days  later,  they  met  the  approval  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  just  assembling  at  the  Carpenters'  Hall,  Phila- 


89 

delphia,  those  resolves  of  duty  and  defiance  made  war  inevitable  and 
independence  c'ertain. 

To  that  cause  of  popular  liberty,  the  men  of  Weymouth  were 
unwavering  in  their  devotion.  The  communion  of  the  colonies  was, 
to  them,  a  sacred  communion.  They  were  roused  to  action  by  the 
same  old  drums  that  beat  at  Concord  and  rallied  the  troops  to  Bunker 
Hill.  In  after  time,  they  were  firm  in  their  attachment  and  adherence 
to  the  constitution  of 'the  State,  and  in  loyalty  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union.  Those  eras  of  anxiety  and  peril  are  now  overpast,  and 
we  have  gathered  on  this  auspicious  anniversary,  to  renew  our 
vows,  to  perpetuate,  so  far  as  in  us  lies,  those  blessings  of  civil  and 
religious  freedom  which  were  acquired  and  achieved  by  the  wisdom 
and  valor  of  the  fathers. 

Remember  what  was  said  of  the  visit  of  a  foreign  prince  to  our 
shores  ;  that  he  found  here  a  nation  of  soldiers  without  an  army  ; 
civil  order  without  a  police  ;  wealth,  luxury  and  culture  without  a 
court  or  an  aristocracy  ;  that  he  learned  to  mingle  with  the  busy 
marts  of  men,  without  the  intervention  of  chamberlains  or  courtiers  ; 
that  he  found  respect  without  ceremony,  and  honor  without  adulation. 

And  thus,  with  each  recurring  anniversary,  may  there  be  fresh 
experiences  that  the  Pilgrim  spirit  has  not  fled — that  it  walks  in 
noon's  bright  light — 

"  And  it  watches  the  bed  of  our  martyr  dead, 

With  the  holy  stars  by  night ; 
And  it  watches  the  bed  of  the  brave  who  have  bled, 

And  shall  guard  this  wide-spread  shore, 
Till  the  waves  iu  the  bay, 
"Where  the  Mayflower  lay, 

Shall  foam  and  freeze  110  more." 

To  the  sentiment, — "The  Old  Plymouth  Colony — her  prin- 
ciples are  the  corner-stone  of  this  Republic — so  long  as  they 
are  held  sacred  in  the  government  of  this  nation  its  prosperity 
is  assured,"  Hon.  BEXJAMIN  HOBAET,  of  Abingtou,  formerly 
a  member  of  Congress,  and  now  ninety-two  years  of  age,  was 
called  upon  to  respond,  and,  coming  upon  the  platform,  sur- 
prised the  audience  by  the  clearness  of  his  intellect,  thfe  dis- 
tinctness of  his  enunciation,  and  his  great  bodily  vigor.  He 
commenced  by  alluding  to  the  fact  that  he  had  been  a  teacher 
in  one  of  the  public  schools  of  Weymouth,  seventy-five  years 
ago,  and  proceeded  to  speak  in  detail  of  the  various  and  im- 
portant changes  which  had  taken  place  in  this  vicinity  and 
throughout  the  whole  country,  during  the  period  of  his  per- 

12 


90 

• 

son.nl  recollection, — exhibiting  an  acquaintance  with  current 
events  and  a  memory  of  the  past,  wonderfully  accurate  for  a 
gentleman  of  his  great  age. 

Mr.  HOBART  was  followed  by  Hon.  GEORGE  WHITE,  Judge 
of  the  Probate  Court  for  Norfolk  County,  in  response  to  this 
sentiment, — "The  Judiciary  of  Massachusetts — since  1776  it 
has  created  a  system  of  Jurisprudence  that  is  at  once  an  honor, 
a  protection  and  a  blessing  to  all,"  who  spoke  as  follows  : — 

MR.  PRESIDENT  : — With  reluctance  I  speak  to  the  sentiment  "  The 
Judiciary."  I  feel,  however,  that  this  is  a  family  gathering,  and 
that  I  have  a  right  to  be  here  and  to  speak  in  virtue  of  my  ances- 
tors, all  of  whom  on  my  father's  side,  for  about  two  hundred  years, 
were  born  in  Weymonth  ;*and,  besides,  there  are  names  of  men  of 
Weymouth  origin  which  ma}*  fitly  be  called  to  remembrance  in 
response  to  your  toast. 

•About  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago  there  lived  in  sight  'of 
this  hill  Avhere  we  are,  and  in  that  part  of  Weymouth  now  called 
Old  Spain,  a  man  by  the  name  of  Thomas  White.  When  he  came 
to  this  shore,  or  whence  he  came,  I,  by  diligent  study,  cannot  find 
out.  Whether  he  was  one  of  Weston's  men  of  unsavory  memory, 
or  whether  he  came  from  Weymouth,  England,  with  "  another  sort 
of  people  in  1G24,"  or  a  little  earlier  or  later,  is  uncertain. 

From  this  obscure  settler  there  can  be  traced,  along  the  various 
lines  of  his  descendants,  men  of  every  kind  and  description  of  char- 
acter, and  of  widely  diversified  occupations, — very  many  useful  citi- 
zens and  main*  distinguished  public  men ;  some  of  whom  were 
shoemakers,  some  blacksmiths  ;  others,  farmers,  merchants,  bank- 
ers, lawyers,  judges,  historians,  physicians  ;  one  a  President  of  a 
College  ;  others,  slaveholders — yes,  holders  of  slaves  here  in  Wey- 
mouth ;  some  were  soldiers  serving  in  the  wars  of  their  times  (the 
French  and  Indian  war,  the  Revolution,  the  war  of  1812,  and  the 
Secession  war)  ;  and  others  followed  the  seas,  'one  of  whom  sailed 
with  C'apt.  John  Mauley  in  the  far-famed  privateer  the  "  Schooner 
Lee,"  which  performed  such  signal  service  against  the  British  ship- 
ping c^ir  here  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  early  days  of  the  Revo- 
lution. 

This  Thomas  White  lived  and  died  in  Old  Spain,  and  he  and 
many  of  his  line  lie  buried  in  the  neighboring  burial  ground.  Some 
of  his  descendants  have  lived  on  the  banks  of  Weymouth  River  and 
on  Fore  River  ever  since.  Some  moved  up  to  the  head  of  tide- 
waters, on  the  Braintrce  as  well  as  on  the  Weymouth  side  ;  some 
pushed  on  to  South  Weymouth,  and  hence  on  to  the  country  now 


91 

Holbrook,  Randolph,  Brockton,  Bridgewater  "and  Taunton.  The 
blood  of  this  man  can  be  traced  by  the  records,  in  many  men  and 
man}7  women  now  living,  whose  lives  and  characters,  because  of 
their  public  spirit,  their  intelligence,  their  moral  worth,  make  them 
worthy  of  mention  when  Weymouth  celebrates  her  birthday, — the 
Louds,  the  Webbs,  the  Hunts,  the  Kingmans  the  Whites,  the 
Haywards,  the  Aldens,  the  Turners,  and  many  others. 

But  coming  more  to  the  subject  of  your  sentiment,  I  will  speak  of 
the  lawyers. 

Samuel  White,  of  Taunton,  born  in  Braintree,  was  a  lineal 
descendant,  in  the  fourth  degree,  from  this  Thomas  White,  of  Wey- 
mouth. A  graduate  of  Harvard  College,  the  first  lawyer  ever  set- 
tled in  Taunton,  one  of  the  few  barristers  in  the  Massachusetts 
Colony  prior  to  the  Revolution,  eminent  as  a  lawyer  and  orator; 
for  more  than  twenty-five  years  he  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  or  member  of  the  Governor's  Council. 

As  Speaker,  in  1765,  he  gave  his  official  signature  to' the  Resolve 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  calling  the  first  convention  of  the 
colonies  to  consider  the  Stamp  Act  of  Parliament,  and  take  meas- 
ures in  relation  thereto  ;  and  so  may  be  regarded  as  among  the  first 
who  entered  into  open  and  active  resistance  to  the  unlawful  acts  of 
the  mother  country.  He  died  in  1769,  and  so  failed  to  share  in  the 
war  of  the  Revolution. 

His  grandsons  were  Francis  and  William  Baylies,  both  eminent 
as  lawyers,  one  of  whom  (Francis)  was  the  historian"  of  Plymouth 
Colon}',  a  member  of  Congress  for  six  years,  and  rich  in  learning, 
talents  and  virtues  ;  the  other,  a  fine  speaker,  the  compeer  of  the 
first  lawyers  of  his  da}-,  often  arrayed  against  Daniel  Webster. 

Anna  White,  sister  of  Samuel  White,  of  Taunton,  whom  I  have 
just  mentioned,  was  the  grandmother  of  Samuel  Sumner  Wilde,  one 
of  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  this  Common- 
wealth for  thirty -five  years. 

Silence  White,  of  the  fourth  generation  from  Thomas  White,  of 
Weymouth,  was  the  grandmother  of  Lemuel  Shaw,  the  late  Chief 
Justice,  who  presided  in  the  Supreme  Court  for  thirty  years.  These 
judges  were  simple,  sturdy  Puritans,  niul  their  names  make  no 
inconsiderable  share  of  the  common-wealth  and  grandeur  of  our 
State. 

Another  man  deserves  remembrance  on  this  day.  In  1745,  Rich- 
ard Cranch  came  to  this  country  from  Kingsbridge,  England.  He 
was  a  watchmaker  by  trade.  In  1750,  he  removed  from  Boston  to 
Braintree  (now  Quincy),  and,  subsequently,  he  became  a  resident 
of  Weymouth.  Here,  in  Weymouth,  he  married  a  daughter  of  Rev. 
William  Smith,  sister  of  Abigail,  the- wife  of  John  Adams,  which 


92 

John  was  the  first  Chief  Justice  of  the  Superior  (now  called  Su- 
preme) Court  of  Massachusetts,  in  virtue  of  an  appointment  made 
in  1775,  by  "  the  Council  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts." 

This  Richard  Cranch,  with  his  beautiful  wife,  not  long  afterwards 
returned  to  Braintree  bearing  with  them  their  infant  son  William, 
who  was  born  in  Weymouth.  The  father  (Richard)  studied  law, 
became  a  member  of  the  •  bar,  and  was  appointed  Judge  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the  County  of  Suffolk. 

William  (the  son)  was  graduated  at  Harvard  College,  studied 
law,  and,  after  a  brief  practice  at  the  bar,  was  appointed  one  of  the 
assistant  judges  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  for  the  District 
of  Columbia;  and  five  years  later  was  appointed  by  President  Jef- 
ferson  Chief  Justice  of  that  Court,  and,  in  virtue  of  that  office, 
became  sole  Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for 
the  District  of  Columbia. 

Chief  Justice  Cranch  was  conscientious  and  persistent  in  his 
opinions  to  the  extreme,  yet  he  was  a  man  born  to  be  loved  and  ven- 
erated. He  was  the  progenitor  of  many  gifted  and  loveh*  men  and 
women  (lawyers,  physicians,  clergymen,  painters,  poets,  artists  and 
singers),  some  of  them  of  rare  talents  and  genius. 

In  response  to  the  sentiment, — "The  Medical  Profession — 
honored  among  us  by  the  life-long  and  faithful  services  of  a 
WHITE,  a  TUFTS,  a  FIFIELD  and  a  HOWE,"  Dr.  W.  C.  B. 
FIFIELD,  of  Boston,  a  native  of  Weymouth,  spoke  as  follows  : — 

MR.  CHAIRMAN,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : — The  sentiment  you 
have  carried  to  the  medical  profession  of  Weymouth,  past  and 
present,  floats  on  the  surface  of  the  bubbling,  foaming  sea  of  wit 
and  eloquence  we  have  just  listened  to,  like  a  veritable  toast  on  the 
surface  of  that  generous  liquor  known  as  punch. 

As  to  properly  compose  this,  many  very  different  ingredients 
must  combine, — the  spirit,  the  sugar,  the  acid,  and  sometimes  the 
medicinal  herb,  mint, — you  have,  after  the  fashion  of  French  cooks, 
who  sprinkle  beefsteaks  with  assafoetida  to  give  a  delicate  flavor, 
appealed  to  the  medicine  men  of  the  tribe  of  Weymouth  to  add 
their  somewhat  grim  presence  and  unsavory  associations  to  the 
glorious  combination  stirred  up  here  to-day.  Apropos  of  punch,  I 
did  not  mention  water,  because  it  is  generally  agreed  that  ever}' 
drop  of  water  spoils  the  punch. 

Our  noble  medical  predecessors,  who  practised  round  about  this 
hill  at  and  before  the  coming  of  the  first  settlers  of  Weymouth, 
were,  doubtless,  of  the  same  school  as  those  who  to-day,  in  Western 


93 

Indian  villages,  work  miracles  with  bears'  claws  and  prairie  dogs' 
bones  shaken  in  medicine  bags  (not  saddle-bags),  and  by  frantic 
howls  and  dances  prolong  the  attention  and  applause  of  their  clients 
until  the  forces  of  nature  bring  the  wind,  or  the  rain,  or  the  cure  of 
the  sick,  or  whatever  their  services  shall  have  been  retained  for. 
Throughout  the  world,  whether  among  red,  white,  black  or  grajr, 
this  old,  false,  magical  school  of  medicine  exists. 

Let  us  turn  from  the  magicians  of  the  profession  to  the  magi  of 
the  same.  You  are  not  to  look  for  them  as  clothed  in  gaudy  r9bes, 
gay  with 'astrological  symbols;  but  perhaps  you  may  encounter 
them  as  the  quiet  gentlemen  at  your  side,  who,  though  their 

"  Hands  that  the  rod  of  empire  might  have  swayed, 
Close  at  your  elbow  stir  their  lemonade." 

The  old  magicians  worked,  and  do  to-day  work,  the  almost  worn- 
out  theatrical  machinery  of  superstition  and  deceit ;  the  magi,  the 
eternally  grand,  eternally  reliable  forces  of  nature. 

It  is  by  a  knowledge  of  the  natural  sciences  that  the  medical 
man  of  to-day  works  out  the  solution  of  the  problems  submitted  to 
his  consideration,  with  a  certainty  and  a  celerity  that  seem  like  a 
realization  of  the  stories  of  the  ancient  necromancers,  and  this 
knowledge  is  becoming  each  da}r  more  and  more  an  absolute  neces- 
sity to  his  daily  occupation.  By  the  application  of  the  laws  of 
light  and  optics,  he  can,  with  his  opthalmoscope,  drag  from  the  eye 
a  secret  unwhispered  even  to  the  reeds ;  his  laryngoscope  reveals 
the  machinery  of  the  voice  of  the  prima  donna,  which  seems  as 
ethereal  as  the  voices  of  the  angels  may  be  fancied  to  be  ;  his  mi- 
croscope counts  the  globules  of  the  blood  and  marks  their  courses, 
and  the  electric  and  galvanic  forces  at  his  command  wring  from  the 
muscles  the  story  of  the  poisonous  lead,  be  it  from  the  pipe  of  the 
druggist's  soda  fountain,  or  from  the  lily  white  laid  on  the  cheek  of 
beauty.  His  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  chemistry  tells  you  of  the 
poison  lurking  in  your  houses,  wells  and  streams  ;  in  the  food  you 
eat,  in  the  waller  you  drink,  in  the  clothes  you  wear,  in  the  air  you 
breathe.  With  it  he  is  able  to  form  substances  which  heal  diseases, 
or  mitigate  the  suffering  of  those  which  cannot  be  healed.  In  his 
proudest  aspects  he  stands  before  you,  not  holding,  as  sometimes 
depicted,  a  bag  of  simples  in  his  hand  for  the  cure  of  diseases 
already  contracted,  but  as  a  guide,  a  counsellor,  an  angel  (if  3*011 
allow  me  the  expression),  to  proclaim,  to  point  out,  baneful  things 
in  your  path  ;  in  short,  to  enforce  the  homely  old  saying,  that  "  An 
ounce  of  prevention  is  worth  a  pound  of  remedy." 

Recognize,  then,  the  true  medicine  man.  Eecognize  him  in  the 
sanitarian  who  seeks  to  give  you  the  essentials  of  health.  How 


94 

great  is  sanitary  science ;  greatest,  perhaps,  of  all.  Would  you, 
most  profitably  to  yourselves,  emplo}7  3*our  medical  men  ?  go  with  • 
them  to  your  schools,  to  your  houses ;  examine  with  them  your 
streams  and  wells  ;  ask  of  them  not  the  cure  but  the  prevention  of 
the  wasting  typhoid,  the  loathsome  small-pox,  the  scarlet-clad  de- 
stroyer of  your  children.  Give  the  air  you  breathe  to  their  keeping  ; 
and,  oh,  guard  with  jealous  care,  the  air  that  blows  over  your  hills  ; 
suffer  it  not  to  be  polluted  for  any  increase  to  your  treasury. 

Mr.  Chairman,  let  us  pause  here  an  instant,  and  in  silence  do 
honor  to  the  memory  of  the  late  Dr.  George  Derby,  our  sanitary 
champion  of  Massachusetts,  our  Bayard :  "  Sans  peur  et  sans 
reproche." 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  sentiment  given  by  the  toast-master  includes 
the  names  of  four  of  the  elders  of  the  profession  in  Weymouth — I 
might  have  said  masters — who  have  gone  to  their  rest :  White, 
Tufts,  Howe  and  Fifield.  Of  the  first  I  cannot  speak,  understand- 
ing!}-. Honored  and  true  he  was,  doubtless.  His  ashes  repose  in  a 
little  burying'-ground,  seldom,  I  fancy,  visited,  on  Pleasant  Street, 
South  Weymouth.  The  name  of  Dr.  Tufts,  scholar  and  patriot, 
high  in  the  councils  of  the  early  days  of  Massachusetts,  will  always 
be  remembered.  Howe,  physician,  statesman,  soldier,  firm,  uncom- 
promising guardian  of  liberty,  will  also  dwell  long  in  the  memory 
of  the  present  generation,  at  least.  Of  the  fourth  it  does  not 
become  me  to  speak.  His  name  is  a  household  word  in  Weymouth, 
and  no  word  of  mine  could  add  to  its  honor. 

Mr.  Chairman,  while  we  applaud  the  Medical  Profession  for  its 
constant  and  rapid  advances,  we  sometimes  sigh  for  the  habits  of 
close  observation  (made  imperatively  necessary  from  lack  of  mod- 
ern appliances),  the  ripe  judgment,  the  extensive  experience,  the 
lortiter  in  re  of  the  fathers  of  the  pi'ofcssion  in  Weymouth.  They 
did  run  well.  Through  storm  and  calm  they  went  in  the  stern,  un- 
flinching exercise  of  duty.  No  sick  or  suffering  were  foreign  to 
thorn.  They  rest  from  their  labors  and  their  works  do  follow  them. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  medical  men  of  Weymouth  I  know  do,  I  am 
sure  they  ever  will,  so  honor  in  their  lives  and  calling  the  memories 
of  the  honest,  self-sacrificing,  studious  physicians  of  Weymouth, 
who  have  passed  bej'ond,  that  when  their  wheels  shall  have  ceased 
forever  from  rattling,  and  the  new  doctor  goes  their  old  rounds, 
lie  shall  hear  from  all  the  verdict  that  he  never,  never,  can 
know  as  much  or  be  so  good  and  kind  as  the  old  doctor  who  has 
gone.  • 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  know  that  it  will  be  thus  ;  Forsaith  common  re- 
port, there  is  balm  at  the  Landing  and  a  physician  there  ;  that  the 
Old  South  Parish  is  guarded  by  a  Toicer  of  strength,  and- the  East 


95 

ever  blest  by  the  presence  of  a  beneficent  Fay ;  that  a  Piper  makes 
glad  the  hearts  of  ancient  Spain,  and  that  he  who  bears  the  name  of 
the  Nortons  and  the  Quincys  may  ever  be  trusted  as  a  wise  and  bold 
counsellor. 

Mr.  Chairman,  as  the  true  science  of  medicine  and  surgery  ad- 
vances towards  those  higher  regions  of  Art,  whose  boundaries  at 
last  meet  and  become  one  with  nature,  it  leaves,  and  leaves  forever, 
whatever  dull  clouds  of  superstition,  ignorance  or  error  may  have 
clung  about  its  base,  and  soars  at  last  into  the  full  brightness  and 
beauty  of  truth,  ever  the  fortress  of  the  strong. 

"  As.  some  tall  cliff  that  lifts  its  awful  form, 
Swells  from  the  vale  and  midway  leaves  the  storm ; 
Though  round  its  breast  the  rolling  clouds  be  spread, 
Eternal  sunshine  settles  on  its  head."  ^ 

Dr.  WILLIAM  M.  CoR^TELL,  of  Boston,  who  married  a 
Weymouth  lady,  being  called  upon  to  respond  to  the  senti- 
ment :  "  The  Ladies — so  strong  are  their  magnetic  attractions, 
that  they  draw  suitors  from  abroad,  as  well  as  charm  the  na- 
tive born,"  spoke  as  follows  : — 

• 

MR.  PRESIDENT,  TOAST-MASTER,  LADIES  AXD  GEXTLEMEX  : — 

We  have  just  listened  to  an  excellent  tribute  to  the  doctors  of 
Weymouth,  b}'  Dr.  Fifield.  I  received  a  note  from  Dr.  Tower, 
stating  to  me,  "  You  will  be  expected  to  respond  to  the  following 
sentiment:  'The  Ladies  of  Weymouth — so  strong  in  their  magnetic 
attractions,  that  the}'  draw  suitors  from  abroad,  as  well  as  at 
home.'  " 

Mr.  President,  the  Doctor  has  made  a  mistake.  He  has  given  a 
wrong  diagnosis  in  appointing  me  to  speak  of  the  ladies  of  Wey- 
mouth ;  and,  when  the  diagnosis  is  wrong,  every  doctor  knows  that 
the  prognosis,  or  result,  is  very  apt  to  be  wrong  also,  which, 
probably,  will  be  the  case  in  my  speech.  But  I  am  not  disposed  to 
throw  the  whole  blame  of  this  mistake  upon  the  Doctor,  -foi  I  am 
by  no  means  certain  that  }'ou,  sir,  and  the  whole  committee,  are  not 
implicated  in  the  mistake  of  calling  me  to  this  duty.  Why,  sir, 
instead  of  appointing  me,  an  old.  white.-headcd  man,  to  speak  of  the 
ladies,  this  duty  should  have  been  assigned  to  some  young  man,  like 
our  youthful  friend,  Mr.  Hobart,  of  only  ninety-two  years,  who  has 
just  addressed  us  so  eloquently  ;  or  the  Hon.  Charles  F.  Adams, 
the  father  of  our  gifjted  orator,  who  has  just  spoken.  There  is  an 
additional  reason  why  it  should  have  been  assigned  to  Mr.  Adams, 
because,  in  his  pretty  little  speech,  just  made,  "  he  has  stolen  my 
thunder  "  ;  in  speaking  of  John  Adams  carrying  off  the  daughter  of 


96 

Parson  Smith,  he  has  plucked  the  finest  flower  from  my  bouquet, 
and  thus  robbed  my  speech  of  its  best  part. 

As  matches  are  made  in  heaven,  so  there  is  always  a  concatena- 
tion of  circumstances  to  bring  them  about  on  earth.  There  is  a 
finger  of  Providence  in  all  events,  even  in  matches.  The  cutting 
in  two  of  Samuel  Nott's  hat,  at  Andover,  too  late  on  Saturday 
night  for  him  to  get  another,  sent  the  Rev.  Dr.  Storrs  to  a  pastorate 
in  Braintree  of  sixty-three  years.  The  stopping  at  a  country 
tavern,  to  give  my  horse  four  quarts  of  oats,  settled  the  speaker  in 
Woodstock,  Conn. 

Now,  perhaps,  yon  would  like  to  know  what  first  brought  me  to 
Weymouth.  As  fate  would  have  it,  "  the  magnetic  attractions  "  of 
the  ladies  of  Weymouth,  all  along,  have  been  operating  from  the 
days  of  President  Adams,  and  possibly  before,  to  lure  strangers 
to  pluck  flowers  from  her  soil.  A  townsman  of  mine  had  carried  off 
one  of  these  ladies  ;  and,  in  process  of  time,  he  came,  with  other  little 
flowers,  his  family,  from  Cape  Cod,  where  he  resided,  to  visit  Wey- 
mouth, and  he  drove  an  "  old  white  horse."  While  here,  fortunately 
or  unfortunately  (of  which  you  can  judge  as  well  I),  this  "old 
white  horse"  died,  and  he  was  compelled  to  get  a  Weymouth  horse 
to  take  his  family  home.  I  was  then  at  his  house,  and,  wishing  to 
come  up  to  Boston,  he  insisted  upon  my  riding,  and  returning  his 
hired  horse  to  Weymouth,  which  I  did.  This  was  my  first  visit  to 
your  town.  You  know  the'  rest. 

The  Rev.  John  Sauford,  who  lost  this  horse,  always  insisted  that, 
as  I  obtained  my  wife  in  consequence  of  his  death,  I  ought  to  pay 
him  for  that  "  old  white  horse." 

Now,  Mr.  President,  as  this  is  a  Weymouth  question,  involving 
pecuniary  results,  and  as  we  have  two  Weymouth  justices  present,  your- 
•self  and  the  honorable  "  Toast-master,"  I  submit  this  question  for 
3rour  decision  :  ought  I  to  pay  for  that  "  old  white  horse,"  or  not? 

The  ladies  of  Weymouth  seem  to  have  held  out  peculiar  attrac- 
tions for  judges,  as  in  the  case  of  Cranch ;  for  statesmen,  as  in  the 
case  of  Adams ;  for  doctors,  as  in  the  case  of  Howe ;  and  for 
ministers,  as  in  the  case  cited,  and  numerous  others  that  might  be 
named ;  and  as  these  attractions  led  to  matrimony,  which  is  a 
dubious  state,  I  submit  the  following, — Mrs.  Proyser  says,  "  If 
women  are  fools,  God  made  them  so,  to  match  the  men  "  ;  and  (it  is 
a  newspaper  story,  and  nobody  doubts  newspaper  stories,  except 
General  B.  F.  Butler),  I  give  it  :— 

"A  priest,  the  other  day,  who  was  examining  a  confirmation  class  in  the 
south  of  Ireland,  asked  the  question,  '  What  is  the  sacrament  of  matrimony  ?' 
A  Hi  tie  girl  at  the  head  of  the  class  answered,  'Tis  a  state  of  torment  into 
which  so\v!s  enter,  to  prepare  them  for  another  and  better  world.'  'Being/ 


97 

said  the  priest,  'the  answer  for  ptirgatory.'  'Put  her  down,'  says  the  curate, 
•put  her  down  to  the  fut  of  the  class.'  'Lave  her  alone,'  said  the  priest; 
'  for  anything  you  or  I  know  to  the  contrary,  she  may  be  parfictly  right.' " 

Mr.  President,  I  wish  to  propose  a  hypothetical  question.  Sup- 
pose John  Adams  had  not  married  Parson  Smith's  daughter,  who 
would  have  been  our  orator  to-day,  and  where  would  he  have  come 
from?  And  suppose  that  old  white  horse  had  not  died,  where 
should  I  have  got  my  wife  ? 

Two  hundred  and  fifty  years  !  Bless  my  stars  !  If  the  ladies  of 
Wej'mouth  have  held  out  such  attractions  in  the  past  as  we  have 
seen,  with  the  progress  of  the  sex  for  the  last  few  j-ears,  what  may 
we  not  expect  they  will  accomplish  in  the  next  two  and  a  half 
centuries  ?  May  we  not  suppose  that  Milton's  Eve  and  Tyndaren 
Helen  would  not  come  even  in  sight  of  the  attractions  the}'  will 
then  present  ?  And  who  knows  but  instead  of  such  men  as  they 
have  hitherto  attracted,  they  may  bring  to  their  feet  the  giants  of 
Jupiter,  and  lovers  from  brighter  worlds  ?  And  then,  some  young 
Narcissus,  sent  by  Venus,  may  address  the  ladies  of  Weymouth, 
and  great  Jove,  from  high  Olympus, 

"  Find  his  thunder  strike  less  sure  than  Cupid's  how." 

Now,  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  does  not  the  prognosis  prove 
your  mistake?  So,  please  remember  the  poet's  dream, — 

"  Old  men  I  saw,  (too  much  I  could  not  dream) 
What  service  Venus  could  receive  from  them." 

The  following  sentiment  was  next  proposed  : — "  Our  Brave 
Defenders — The  Grand  Army  bates  nothing  of  its  glory  when 
marshalled  under  the  leadership  of  its  gallant  Commander." 

General  JAMES  L.  BATES,  of  Weymouth,  the  Commander 
of  Post  58  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  being  re- 
quested to  respond,  spoke  substantially  as  follows : — 

MR.  PRESIDENT  : — I  thank  j'ou  for  calling  upon  me  to  respond  to 
the  toast  in  honor  of  the  "  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic." 

All  know  its  design, — to  perpetuate  the  memories  of  the  scenes, 
trials  and  sufferings  of  the  war  of  the  Rebellion ;  and,  also,  its 
three  great  foundation  principles  of  Fraternity,  Charity  and  Loy- 
alty, around  which  cluster,  as  a  body-guard,  the  veterans  of  the 
late  war. 

I  only  desire,  at  this  time,  to  express  my  entire  dissent  to  some 
remarks  made  at  Braintree,  June  17,  on  the  occasion  of  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  Soldiers'  Monument  in  that  town. 
13 


98 

The  orator  of  the  day  (Gen.  Banks)  in  speaking  of  the  beautiful 
custom  of  strewing  flowers  upon  the  graves  of  the  Io3"al  dead  said, 
"  May  the  day  soon  come  when  the  loyal  and  disloyal  dead  shall 
be  honored  alike,  by  each  receiving  the  same  floral  tribute." 

May  that  day  never  come.  Such  a  course  would  tend  directly  to 
weaken  loyalty  and  strengthen  disloyalty.  If  they  are  both  to  be 
regarded  alike,  where  is  the  honor  in  having  lost  one's  life  in  fight- 
ing/or one's  country  in  the  cause  of  human  rights? 

I  am  ready  to  go  as  far  as  who  goes  farthest  in  forgiving  the 
repentant  rebels,  and  in  giving  them  all  the  political  rights  we 
enjo}- ;  but  to  scatter  flowers  over  their  graves  as  we  crown  the 
victors  in  the  strife,  is  to  honor  disloyalty  equally  with  loyalty. 
While  we  are  ready  to  forgive  the  traitor,  we  are  not  yet  ready  to 
offer  a  reward  for  treason.  If  treason  against  our  Constitution 
and  Government  is  really  a  crime,  why  should  we  perform  an  act 
that  implies  approval  ? 

We  can  overlook  the  offence,  but  honor  it,  never. 

When  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  adopts  this  as  a  part  of 
its  memorial  service,  and  I  shall  sleep  beneath  the  sod,  may  1113' 
comrades  pass  1113'  grave,  omitting  the  ceremoii3T  the3'  have  per- 
formed over  the  graves  of  traitors. 

The  next  sentiment  was  :  "  Our  Public  Schools — the  out- 
growth of  those  Republican  principles  which  were  planted  by 
our  fathers, — the  boast  of  our  modern  civilization." 

CHARLES  Q.  TIHRELL,  Esq.,  of  Natick,  a  native  of  AVey- 
mouth  and  late  a  member  of  its  School  Committee,  upon  invi- 
tation, responded  as  follows  : — 

Would  that  he,  who,  b}'  universal  consent,  would  have  been  selected 
as  best  fitted  to  respond  to  the  sentiment  just  offered,  were  present 
to-da3*.  lleqitiescdt  in  pace.  Fort3'  3'ears  of  near] 3"  consecutive 
service  on  the  school  committee  of  this  town  gave  him  a  familiarity 
with  the  subject  equalled  by  none  of  his  associates,  and  I  can  but 
light!}'  touch  on  the  theme  his  enthusiasm  could  enkindle. 

Our  public  schools  are  not  only  the  outgrowth  of  republican  prin- 
ciples, but  a  part  of  the  principles  themselves.  The  log  huts  of  the 
colonists  were  scarcely  erected,  the  forests  scarcely  cleared,  the  lit- 
tle settlements  along  the  shore  scarcely  effected,  before  our  schools 
were  planted.  Out  fathers  lied  to  these  shores  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  a.  home  of  religious  freedom,  and  education  walked 
hand  in  hand  in  the  progressive  march  of  church  an'd  state. 

The  orator  of  the  da}'  lias  traced  in  glowing  language  the  histoiy 
of  Weymouth  from  the  rude  primeval  times  down  to  the  prosperous 


99 

present.  In  the  interesting  record  Low  important  a  part  our  public 
schools  have  played  !  Our  ancestry  left  us  a  rich  legacy  in  indus- 
tries, but  a  richer  legacy  in  those  educational  facilities  that  each 
generation  has  improved,  surpassing  even  the  advancement  the  town 
has  made  in  material  interests.  Young  as  I  am,  I  can  recollect  the 
old  school-house  upon  the  bill  near  by,  with  its  rude  benches  hacked, 
notched  and  carved  by  the  omnipresent  jack-knife,  with  its  seats  rising 
up  from  the  teacher's  desk,  by  the  door,  until  they  nearly  touched 
the  ceiling  behind,  from  which  we  looked  down  upon  the  master  in 
the  little  amphitheatre  below.  Each  of  us,  smaller  boys,  had  our 
champions  who  fought  our  battles  for  us,  and  we  confidently  ex- 
pected an  encounter  between  them  and  the  master  before  the  winter 
term  was  over.  I  presume  the  recollection  of  earlier  times  returns 
to  many  of  you  to-day.  This  school  then  sufficed  for  the  north  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  east  section  of  the  town,  and  tradition  has  it 
that  not  the  most  amicable  relations  existed  between  the  two. 
Many  a  short  midwinter  day  faded  into  night  before  their  snow-ball 
onset  was  decided.  Mcthinks  our  worthy  President  could  relate  re- 
miniscences of  interest  here,  for  his  father  for  many  years  was  the 
honored  pedagogue  of  this  region.  I  have  heard  my  own  father 
touchingly  relate  his  experience  with  the  famous  cow-hide  Squire 
Humphrey  carried,  and  how  delightfully  it  would  snap  about  his 
ears  at  the  most  unexpected  moments.  Cannot  our  esteemed  towns- 
man from  Old  Spain,  who  has  modestly  declined  to  represent  our 
manufacturing  interests  on  this  platform,  put  in  a  word  here?  Did 
not  many  of  you  in  this  audience  have  your  coats  dusted  in  those 
days.  Those  were  the  times  of  singing-schools  and  spelling-schools, 
when  the  valiant  youth  of  Weymoutli  would  bravely  trudge  miles  to 
the  old  school-house,  with  wood  in  hand,  to  keep  the  fire  burning 
until  school  was  over.  What  a  wonderful  change  in  our  day ! 
The  four  schools  have  multiplied  into  fort}',  the  four  hundred  into 
two  thousand  school  children,  the  old  school-houses  have  been  sup- 
planted by  commodious  and  attractive  buildings,  mixed  schools 
have  been  superseded  b}*  graded,  and  the  higher  branches,  required 
for  admission  into  our  colleges,  added  to  arithmetic,  grammar  and 
geography.  Our  school  system  has  been  revolutionized,  and  as 
we  could  with  difficulty  recognize  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  the  English 
language,  so  from  the  schools  of  fifty  years  ago  we  can  form  no  con- 
ception of  our  schools  of  to-day.  One  thing  we  can  safely  assert, — 
that  the  schools  of  Weymoutli  have  kept  pace  with  an  advancing 
civilization,  and  given  us  an  educated  citizenship  which  has  adminis- 
tered our  affairs  with  prudence  and  economy.  They  have  nobly 
done  their  part  in  instilling  patriotic  sentiments  among  their  gradu- 
ates, sending  our  youths  to  Southern  fields  at  their  country's  call. 


100 

The}'  have  instigated  the  improvements  that  are  visible  in  every 
part  of  Weymouth,  by  the  cultivation  of  a  broader  judgment  and 
higher  taste,  and  if  the  ground  upon  which  we  stand  is  hallowed, 
consecrated  by  Pilgrim  feet  and  the  deeds  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years  of  history,  rest  assured  that  it  is  the  great  principles  that  edu- 
cation has  inculcated  that  have  made  it  what  it  is. 

"  For  what  is  hallowed  ground  T 
'Tis  what  gives  birth 
To  noble  thoughts  in  souls  of  worth, 
Peace,  independence,  truth,  go  forth 

Earth's  compass  'round, 
And  your  high  priesthood  shall  make  earth 

All  hallowed  ground." 

The  Committee  had  designed  to  request  Rev.  JOSHUA 
EMERY,  who  had  just  closed  a  long  pastorate  over  the  First 
Church  in  Weymouth,  and  had  been  invited  to  be  present,  to 
respond  to  the  following  sentiment : — "The  Churches  of  Wey- 
mouth— the  nurseries  of  civil  as  well  as  religious  liberty," 
but  by  inadvertence,  they  had  failed  to  communicate  their 
desire  in  this  regard.  In  his  absence  it  was  deemed  advisable, 
on  account  of  the  want  of  time  for  responses  to  all  the  senti- 
ments prepared,  to  omit  the  proposing  of  this  ;  but  to  request 
Mr.  EMERY  to  respond  in  writing  for  publication,  which  he 
kindly  consented  to  do,  as  follows  : — 

Most  of  these  churches  had  a  separate  beginning  during  my 
pastorate  of  thirty-five  happy  years  in  the  First  Church.  I  am 
not  sure,  not  having  my  record  of  statistics  at  hand,  but  think 
that  the  whole  number  of  religious  societies  or  churches  in  Wey- 
mouth at  this  date  is  sixteen.  All  except  four  of  these,  I  think, 
have  had  their  beginning  since  January  1,  1838.  The  Meth- 
odist Church  at  East  Weymouth  is  one  of  these  four,  and  when 
formed  I  have  no  certain  knowledge.  Of  the  other  three  churches, 
the  Union  Church,  at  Weymouth  Landing,  was  organized  in  1811 ; 
and  the  Second  Church,  located  in  South  Weymouth,  was  formed  in 
1723  ;  and  the  First  Church,  it  is  believed,  had  the  nucleus  of  its 
beginning  in  1623.  For  the  space  of  one  hundred  years  it  stood 
alone,  the  whole  town  included  within  its  precinct. 

The  earliest  records  of  the  First  Church  having  been  lost  by  fire, 
its  early  history  cannot  be  known,  except  as  gathered  from  the 
town  records  and  from  tradition.  We  have  reason  to  believe  that 
its  faith,  for  substance,  as  expressed  in  its  creed,  is  the  same  now 


101 

that  it  was  at  the  beginning.  We  know  that  strong  and  good  men, 
long  ago  passed  to  their  reward,  ministered  at  its  public  altar. 
Some  were  men  highly  esteemed  for  th.eir  wisdom  and  counsel  in 
the  affairs  of  State  ;  and  all  for  $h&\(  ability  and.  virtue  in  pastoral 
work.  We  know  that  the •  church,,  eo  far  as«, needing  human  aid, 
was  sustained  in  its  first ceuUuy  by  strong '•> pillars'  within  and  by 
strong  aids  outside  its  pale.  "  There  were  giants  in  the  earth  in 
those  days,"  and  some  of  the  true  Puritan  race  in  Weymouth. 
Nor  did  the  race  become  extinct  with  their  death.  They  left 
behind  them  a  seed  whose  children  and  children^- children,  in  suc- 
cessive generations,  have  been  faithful  to  the  trust  committed  to 
them  by  the  fathers,  in  maintaining  religious  institutions  for  their 
own  and  the  public  good.  This,  certainly,  is  the  testimony  of  the 
observation  and  experience  of  thirty-five  years  of  pastoral  work 
with  the  descendants  of  the  founders  of  the  First  Church  in  Wey- 
mouth. The  same  was  the  testimony  of  one  who  had  been  pastor 
of  this  church  about  forty  years,  when,  near  the  beginning  of  my 
pastorate,  he  said  to  me,  "  The  best  wish  I  can  leave  with  you  is, 
that  you  may  have  as  many  and  happy  years  among  this  people  as 
I  had." 

When  a  church  comes  down  the  centuries  crowned  with  the 
testimony  of  its  successive  pastors  to  its  fidelity  and  purity  in 
doctrine  and  practice,  in  maintaining  and  perpetuating  its  institu- 
tions and  ordinances  in  its  old  age,  surely  it  is  worthy  of  being 
commended  and  honored  on  the  occasion  of  the  two  hundred  and 
fiftieth  anniversary  of  its  birth.  The  churches  which  have  grown 
up  around  it,  and  surely  those  which  sprang  from  it,  have  good 
reason  to  rejoice  in  a  parentage  so  venerable  and  worthy  of  grate- 
ful remembrance.  Not  in  this  world  will  it  be  fully  known  what 
has  been  the  power  of  this  church  for  good,  and  what  the  aggre- 
gate influence  exerted  by  it  in  the  far  off,  bygone  years,  upon  the 
churches  around  and  the  community  at  large.  The  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years  of  its  record  are  closed  and  sealed  until  a  future 
revelation.  May  the  coming  centuries  have  a  record  that  shall 
correspond  to  the  increase  of  knowledge  and  activities  of  the  times 
upon  which  it  has  already  entered  and  through  which  it  has  yet  to 
pass.  In  the  end  may  it  be  worthy  of  the  plaudit,  "  Well  done, 
good  and  faithful." 

ELIAS  S.  BEALS,  Esq.,  of  Weymouth,  who  had  formerly 
been  largely  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  boots  and  shoes, 
had  been  invited  by  the  Committee  to  speak  in  response  to  the 
following  sentiment: — "The  Manufacturers  of  Weymouth — 
they  furnish  understandings  to  millions  of  the  human  race." 


102 

Owing  to  the  lateness  of  the  hour  when  reached,  it  was  decid- 
ed expedient  to  omit  this  and  the  several  other  remaining 
sentiments  designed  to  be-  offered  ;  but  the  subject  of  that 
above  recited  being  of  very grea't  'interest  to  our  citizens,  it 
has  been  thonghr,  desirable  t'o  seCiire'the  preservation,  in  this 
form,  of  the  knowledge  of 'such 'fact's  in  relation  to  this  prin- 
cipal business  of  the  town,  as  the  large  experience  and  op- 
portunities of  Mr.  BEALS  would  enable  him  to  present ;  and  in 
reply  to  the  Committee's  request  he  has  furnished  for  publica- 
tion the  following  appropriate  response  to  that  sentiment : — 

I  like  this  sentiment  for  the  spark  of  wit  it  contains,  as  well 
as  for  its  substantial  truthfulness.  There  is  a  happy  coincidence 
regarding  this  matter  of  "  understandings,"  in  that  the  good  under- 
standing of  the  heads  of  the  manufacturers  enabled  them  to  pro- 
duce understandings  for  the  feet  that  recommended  themselves  to 
the  understanding  heads  of  a  multitude  of  people,  thus  theoretically 
causing  "  both  ends  to  meet." 

This  sentiment  has  reference  mainly,  of  course,  to  the  production 
of  boots  and  shoes.  For  the  first  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  its 
settlement  it  is  probable  that  Weymouth  manufactured  no  more 
boots  and  shoes  than  were  sufficient  to  supply  its  own  inhabitants ; 
but  about  one  hundred  years  ago  it  commenced  in  a  small  waj*  to 
make  a  very  few  for  the  Boston  retail  market.  Everything  then, 
and  for  the  next  fifty  or  sixt}'  years,  was  done  b}*  hand,  with  the 
simplest  kind  of  tools.  From  fifty  down  to  thirty  years  ago,  the 
Merritts  made,  by  hand,  at  their  little  forge,  nearly  all  the  tools  that 
were  used  in  this  and  the  neighboring  towns  in  making  boots  and 
shoes  ;  and  excellent  tools  they  made,  too. 

Tools  or  implements,  which  might  with  any  degree  of  propriety 
be  called  machines  to  aid  in  making  boots  and  shoes,  are  of  recent 
date.  Only  about  forty  years  ago,  iron-jawed  clamps,  for  holding 
boots  and  shoes  whilst  being  "  seamed  up,"  first  made  their  appear- 
ance ;  and  they  veiy  soon  supplanted  the  old  wooden  article,  some- 
times made  of  barrel  staves,  which  was  before  used  for  that  pur- 
pose. Next  came  along  sole-leather  rollers  and  sole-leather  cutters 
of  various  kinds  ;  and  then  came  heel-making  machines,  sewing, 
pegging,  nailing  and  many  other  machines,  thick  and  fast,  machine 
after  machine,  until  now  the  morning's  calm  is  broken  })}•  the  shrieks 
of  steam-whistles  in  numerous  localities,  and  the  constant  roar  and 
clatter  of  the  machines  set  in  motion  for  the  manufacture  of  boots 
and  slices  by  steam's  mighty  power  almost  bewilders  our  senses. 

Less  than   seventy-five  years   ago  the  boot   and  shoe  bosses,  as 


103 

they  were  called,  made  only  a  few  dozen  pairs  a  month  or  week  ;  and 
those  few  goods  they  carried  to  Boston  by  water,  in  a  packet,  from 
Weymouth  Landing,  or  on  horseback,  in  panniers,  and  sometimes 
even  on  foot.  There  are  present  here  to-day  several  of  the  children 
of  a  man  who  once  carried,  on  foot,  a  back-load  of  shoes  to  Boston 
to  sell,  and  who  brought  home  in  the  same  manner  a  side  of  sole- 
leather  and  a  sheet-iron  shop-stove,  besides  other  articles.  Think 
of  that,  you  manufacturers  who  now  ride  in  silk-velvet  cushioned 
railway-cars  at  the  rate  of  thirty  miles  an  hour  when  on  business, 
and  who  drive  pairs  of  prancing  steeds  at  a  two-forty  pace  when 
riding  for  pleasure. 

Many  other  persons  in  this  town  performed  exploits  similar  to 
that  of  the  man  of  whom  I  have  spoken.  The  father  of  some  who 
are  now  before  me  has  more  than  once  brought,  on  foot,  goods  from 
Boston  to  sell  from  his  retail-store.  And  an  elderly  woman  who 
lived  less  than  a  mile  from  this  spot,  about  eighty  years  ago,  once 
bought  a  bedstead  in  Boston  and  brought  it  home  on.  her  own 
shoulders,  coming  by  the  then  only  way  of  Boston  Neck  and  Paine's 
Hill, — taking  one-half  of  it  along  about  a  mile,  and  then  going  back 
and  taking  the  other  half  about  a  mile  ahead  of  the  first-named  half, 
and  repeating  her  travels  until  the  whole  of  the  bedstead  was  landed 
at  her  home.  That  was  an  exhibition  of  pluck  and  perseverance 
hard  to  be  beaten.  She  wanted  a  bedstead  and  she  got  it,  herself. 

Less  than  twenty  years  ago,  in  1855,  the  value  of  all  the  boots 
and  shoes  manufactured  in  Weymouth  for  that  year  was  put  down 
at  $1,593,080  ;  and  now  the  value  of  those  articles  manufactured  in 
this  town  for  a  year  is  probably  considerable  more  than  $5,000,000. 
Then,  in  1855,  the  entire  value  of  all  the  manufactures  of  all  kinds 
in  this  town  was  but  $2,101,330  for  the  year,  while  now  it  will  prob- 
ably far  exceed  $7,000,000  for  that  length  of  time. 

The  immense  advance  stride  in  manufactures  in  this  town  during 
the  last  twenty-five  years  is  perfectly  astonishing.  It  exhibits  itself 
in  all  parts  of  the  town  nearly  alike.  Compare  the  town  as  it  was 
onl}T  twenty-five  years  ago  with  what  it  is  to-day,  with  its  magnifi- 
cent churches  and  school-houses,  its  wonderful  manufactories  of 
various  kinds,  its  splendid  private  residences,  and  its  new  and 
widened  and  straightened  streets  and  avenues,  thickly  bordered 
throughout  all  the  town  with  neat,  convenient  and  handsomely 
painted  dwelling-houses  and  stables, — with  scarcel}-  an  unsightly 
or  dilapidated  building  to  be  seen  within  all  its  borders.  Nearly 
all  of  this  change  has  been  wrought  bj*  means  of  the  skill  and 
energy  of  our  manufacturers.  May  they  continue  their  onward 
progress,  and  may  the  prosperity  of  themselves,  and  of  the  town 
generally,  go  on  increasing  forever. 


104 


The  following  hymn,  composed  for  the  occasion,  with  the 
accompanying  music,  by  JOHN  J.  LOUD,  Esq.,  of  Weymouth, 
was  then  sung : — 


•*•  —  I  ---  I^^R  —  I—  4V-J  --  lnjipjzr 


1.  Our  Fathers  bequeath'd  this  fair  her-i  -  tage  to     us,        Thro'  toil     and  thro' 


i  j 

dan-ger  they'd  made  it  their  own :     O  long  may  their  mem'ry  be  cherish'd  with 


=: 


T  —  -J  —  -H 
34-fiv— 
-1-— 


hon  -  or,      Their  names  and  their   vir  -  tues    thro'      a    -   ges      be    known. 


2.  To  gain  here  a  refuge  they  crossed  the  dread  ocean, 

They  bid  farewell  bravely  to  kindred  and  home ; 
We  reap  the  reward  of  their  noble  devotion, 
We  gather  rich  harvests  from  seeds  they  have  sown. 

3.  0  give  them  the  praise  of  an  earnest  endeavor, 

The  germs  of  true  growth  in  this  nation  to  plant ; 
For  righteousness  ever  exalteth  a  people ; 
To  greed  and  oppression  no  blessing  He'll  grant. 

4.  Then  boast  of  your  sires,  sons  of  Weymouth,  forever! 

Their  deeds  on  the  record  shine  fair  as  the  morn ; 
Though  silent  their  voices,  most  grandly  these  call  you 
Your  own  generation  to  serve  and  adorn. 

These  exercises  were  interspersed  with  excellent  music  by 
Stetson's  Weymouth  Band  (including  the  performance  of  the 
"General  Bates  Quickstep,"  composed  by  Mr.  W.  F.  BUR- 


105 

RELL,  of  Weymouth) ,  and  by  Bowies'  South  Abington  Band; 
and  at  noon,  during  the  moving  of  the  procession,  a  salute  of 
one  hundred  guns  was  fired  upon  the  summit  of  King  Oak 
Hill  by  a  section  of  Maj.  DEXTER  H.  FOLLETT'S  Light  Bat- 
tery. 

At  about  half-past  five  o'clock,  p.  M.  ,  the  memorial  ser- 
vices were  brought  to  a  close  with  the  singing  of  "  Old  Hun- 
dred "  by  the  audience,  followed  by  the  mutual  and  hearty 
congratulations  of  visitors  and  citizens  upon  the  success  of 
the  Celebration. 

Arrangements  had  been  made  for  a  display  of  fireworks 
upon  King  Oak  Hill  on  the  evening  of  the  day  of  the  cele- 
bration, and  a  considerable  company  had  gathered  to  witness 
the  exhibition ;  but  the  occurrence  of  a  thunder-shower  soon 
after  the  time  fixed  for  the  artificial  spectacle,  greatly  marred 
its  brilliancy,  to  the  sad  disappointment  of  the  youthful 
crowd,  who  had  earnestly  striven  (but  against  the  fates) 
to  complement  the  interesting  services  of  the  day  with  a 
splendid  show  of  pyrotechnics.  But  the  storm-king  was 
abroad,  and  the  shower  soon  developed  into  an  easterly 
storm,  accompanied  by  a  high  wind,  which  compelled  the 
striking  of  the  mammoth  tent,  thus  driving  from  their  tem- 
porary shelter  the  young  patriots,  who  sought  their  homes 
with  some  abatement  indeed  of  their  enthusiastic  ardor,  but 
with  the  firm  resolve  that  they  would  "try  again"  on  the 
recurrence  of  this  anniversary. 


In  response  to  invitations  to  be  present  at  the  Celebration, 
the  following  letters,  with  many  others,  were  received  by  the 
Committee,  viz.  : — 

LETTER  OF  HON.  H.  L.  DAWES. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  30, 1874. 
JAS.  HUMPHREY,  Esq. 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  thank  you  for  remembei'ing  me  in  your  invitations  for 
the  celebration  of  the  250th  anniversary  of  the  settlement  of  the  good 
old  town  of  Weymouth ;  but  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  official  duties  here 
are  likely  to  be  so  protracted  as  to  prevent  my  acceptance.  The  occasion 
must  be  full  of  interest  to  the  people  of  your  town.  It  carries  us  back 
14 


106 

over  two  and  a  half  centuries,  filled  with  wonderful  events  and  marked 
with  striking  interpositions  of  Providence.     The  history  of  your  town ' 
in  that  time  is  so  full  of  remarkable  incidents  that  the  material  for  a 
most  interesting  celebration  must  be  rich  and  abundant. 

I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

H.  L.  DAWES. 


LETTER  OF  WENDELL  PHILLIPS,   ESQ. 

1st  June,  74. 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  sincerely  regret  I  shall  not  be  able  to  participate  in  the 
interesting  services  to  which  you  honor  me  with  an  invitation.  I  delight 
in  all  these  reverent  huntings-up  of  the  old  paths  and  fading  traditions. 
While  it  is  true  that  "  the  glory  of  the  children  is  the  fathers,"  it  is 
equally  true  that  the  glory  of  fathers  is  the  children, — children  who  outdo 
them,  following  in  their  steps,  in  the  service  of  Justice,  Liberty  and  Truth. 

Yours,  resp'y, 

WENDELL  PHILLIPS. 
Mr.  HUMPHREY,  &c.,  &c. 

LETTER  OF  HON.   E.   R.   HOAR. 

CONCORD,  July  1,  1874. 
JAMES  HUMPHREY,  Esq. 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  invi- 
tation of  the  Committee  of  the  town  of  Weyinouth,  to  attend  the  com- 
memoration of  the  250th  anniversary  of  the  settlement  of  the  town,  on 
Saturday,  the  4th  instant.  I  have  deferred  sending  an  answer,  in  the 
hope  that  it  might  be  in  my  power  to  accept  it,  as  there  is  no  occasion  on 
which  our  people  assemble  that  has  for  me  a  greater  interest  than  these 
New  England  town  celebrations.  They  give  an  opportunity  to  study 
vital  forces  in  society ;  and  in  these  days  of  machinery  and  corporations 
and  "  masses,"  it  is  refreshing  to  look  back  upon  the  times  when  every 
man  was,  in  some  sort,  a  pillar  of  the  State  ;  and  when  small  communi- 
ties thought  for  themselves,  to  some  purpose.  But  I  find  that  it  will  not 
be  in  my  power  to  be  with  you, — which  I  the  more  regret,  as  Mr.  Adams 
is  always  so  well  worth  hearing.  Wishing  you  a  very  successful  and 
pleasant  time, 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  yours, 

E.  II.  HOAR. 

LETTER  OF   HON.   JOHN   E.   SANFORD. 

TAUNTON,  .July  2,  1874. 
lion.  JAMES  HUMPHREY,  Chairman,  &c. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: — I  hoped  to  be  able  to  accept  the  invitation,  which  I 
had  the  honor  to  receive  through  you,  to  participate  in  the  memorial  ser- 


107 

vices  on  the  occasion  of  the  250th  anniversary  of  the  settlement  of  your 
ancient  and  honored  town.  I  especially  desired  this,  because  I  claim 
some  right  to  feel  a  filial  pride  in  all  that  distinguishes  and  adorns  her 
history  and  record,  and  to  rejoice  with  her  sons  and  daughters  that, 
although  still  in  her  youth,  she  has  reached  so  goodly  and  illustrious  an 
age.  But  I  find  that  circumstances  will  prevent  my  joining  in  the  cele- 
bration, and  I  can  only  send  my  best  wishes  for  a  happy  and  successful 
day. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  cordially  and  truly  yours, 

JOHN  E.  SANFORD. 


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